PLA strike strategies in westpac HIC

ZeEa5KPul

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I don't understand, is your worry that the US will be the first to use tactical nuclear weapons if it feels like it cannot win a conventional conflict -- or are you arguing that China should be the first to use tactical nuclear weapons if the US conducts any sort of strike against locations (like military production facilities) on Chinese soil?
The thrust of my argument is the latter point, that China should threaten the escalation to tactical nuclear weapons if the US strikes military production facilities on Chinese soil. There's a lot of moving parts to that so I'll lay them out here
  1. China shouldn't threaten anything like this in the near-to-medium term. In fact, China should do all it can to forestall war with the US until at least the mid-to-late 2030s.
  2. China should use this period of peace to build up its military capacity to a level where it has regional conventional overmatch against the US and all its allies.
  3. Ideally, China should be able to rout US forces quickly enough that China proper is essentially unscathed. Some bases might be hit and replaceable assets lost, but industry is intact and able to quickly replenish losses. IF that occurs and IF the US doesn't escalate to nuclear use, then end of story. They lived happily ever after.
  4. If the PLA fails catastrophically at the conventional level or the US launches a war before China is ready, and China suffers major losses to its industry (loss of a major shipyard, for example). I hold that China should then respond with tactical nuclear strikes against similar US targets because at that point it's already over. The PLA won't be able to prevent further destruction to China, so it doesn't really matter whether or not the US responds with tactical nukes against more targets anyway, because they're gone either way.
  5. If the PLA succeeds at the conventional level but the US launches tactical nuclear weapons to stem its losses and shift the battle in its favour, then China responds in kind and there's nothing more to discuss.
The role of tactical nuclear weapons in a war depends on whether we're in scenario 3, 4, or 5. I think you and I and most everyone here would want scenario 3 where the PLA defeats the US resoundingly and the US takes the L without being willing or able to escalate to higher levels. That would be lovely but I wouldn't bet China's future on that.

Scenarios 4 and 5 are more dangerous so they're what should be examined. It's possible that despite China's best efforts to maintain peace, the US finally reads the writing on the wall and launches a war before China is ready. If that happens then China must be prepared to mount an absolutely frenzied defense. If scenario 5 occurs, then I think both of us agree that China is perfectly entitled to respond in kind.

If I understood your argument correctly, your objection to my view rests on the fact that China's first use guarantees a response. To which I would reply
  1. That's not necessarily true; China's threat of first use might successfully deter the US from attacking Chinese military production. Don't foreclose on the possibility.
  2. If scenario 4 above occurs, then China has already lost and it doesn't matter whether the US attacks Chinese military production with tac-nukes or conventional weapons. The US doesn't gain anything by escalating since China has already lost everything.
  3. If scenario 5 occurs, then China's doesn't initiate escalation and this whole argument is moot.
But all of this has to be done with the recognition that the peacetime forward basing/deployment of US forces in westpac means that if push comes to shove in terms of employment of tactical nuclear weapons, the US has the advantage.
That depends on how thoroughly China can degrade these forces and prevent them from doing damage. If China fails at this then it becomes more important to make the US suffer at least as much as the US is going to make China suffer.
I'm not concerned with how evil or whatever something is, we are talking about strategic nuclear exchange already so it is long past discussion about morality.
I am only talking about whether it makes military and strategic sense, so don't cut yourself with that edge.
Let's leave aside the Zoomer zingers.
You will not be able to achieve perfect symmetry unless after China is capable of winning a major conventional conflict and rolling back the US forward deployed presence back to Hawaii (or beyond).
That's the mountain the PLA must climb and there must be peace until it climbs that mountain. We discussed previously what China would need to achieve to win a war of attrition against the US in the western Pacific; a PLA that can do that is a PLA that can seize/neutralize Hawaii.
I don't know why you are suddenly talking about how China would respond if the US used tactical nukes first -- when the entirety of the last few posts has been about you arguing China should use tactical nukes first if the US attacks Chinese military production on Chinese soil.
I agree that I equivocated and should have made these delineations clearer. The point I tried to make is that the US never second-guessed itself when it threatened the Soviet Union with tactical nuclear weapons during the Cold War, despite the fact that the USSR could respond and escalate against the US. I would like China to drink a little of the water the US has been drinking.

Even though I won't shift your position and you won't shift mine, I hope you see the merit to China abandoning its wholly rational, wholly reactive nuclear posture, even if what I'm selling is a bridge too far.
 

Blitzo

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The thrust of my argument is the latter point, that China should threaten the escalation to tactical nuclear weapons if the US strikes military production facilities on Chinese soil. There's a lot of moving parts to that so I'll lay them out here
  1. China shouldn't threaten anything like this in the near-to-medium term. In fact, China should do all it can to forestall war with the US until at least the mid-to-late 2030s.
  2. China should use this period of peace to build up its military capacity to a level where it has regional conventional overmatch against the US and all its allies.
  3. Ideally, China should be able to rout US forces quickly enough that China proper is essentially unscathed. Some bases might be hit and replaceable assets lost, but industry is intact and able to quickly replenish losses. IF that occurs and IF the US doesn't escalate to nuclear use, then end of story. They lived happily ever after.
  4. If the PLA fails catastrophically at the conventional level or the US launches a war before China is ready, and China suffers major losses to its industry (loss of a major shipyard, for example). I hold that China should then respond with tactical nuclear strikes against similar US targets because at that point it's already over. The PLA won't be able to prevent further destruction to China, so it doesn't really matter whether or not the US responds with tactical nukes against more targets anyway, because they're gone either way.
  5. If the PLA succeeds at the conventional level but the US launches tactical nuclear weapons to stem its losses and shift the battle in its favour, then China responds in kind and there's nothing more to discuss.
The role of tactical nuclear weapons in a war depends on whether we're in scenario 3, 4, or 5. I think you and I and most everyone here would want scenario 3 where the PLA defeats the US resoundingly and the US takes the L without being willing or able to escalate to higher levels. That would be lovely but I wouldn't bet China's future on that.

Scenarios 4 and 5 are more dangerous so they're what should be examined. It's possible that despite China's best efforts to maintain peace, the US finally reads the writing on the wall and launches a war before China is ready. If that happens then China must be prepared to mount an absolutely frenzied defense. If scenario 5 occurs, then I think both of us agree that China is perfectly entitled to respond in kind.

If I understood your argument correctly, your objection to my view rests on the fact that China's first use guarantees a response. To which I would reply
  1. That's not necessarily true; China's threat of first use might successfully deter the US from attacking Chinese military production. Don't foreclose on the possibility.
  2. If scenario 4 above occurs, then China has already lost and it doesn't matter whether the US attacks Chinese military production with tac-nukes or conventional weapons. The US doesn't gain anything by escalating since China has already lost everything.
  3. If scenario 5 occurs, then China's doesn't initiate escalation and this whole argument is moot.

Overall, my perception of PLA strategic planning is similar to your five scenarios, and yes, scenarios 4 and 5 are the most dangerous.

In terms of scenario 5, I have no issues with China responding with tac nukes if the US uses tac nukes.

In terms of scenario 4 -- as I wrote before, the only way in which it would make sense for China to be the one to use tac nukes first is if the war is going so badly that its comprehensive defeat is all but guaranteed.

My issue with your proposal from previous posts is that by proclaiming that China will respond to any attack on military production facilities with the use of tactical nuclear weapons on its own against US soil, you open yourself up to a massive grey zone area where if the US conducts say, a number of smaller scale strikes against Chinese military production, then will China respond with tactical nukes? Will they not? What if the US conducts an attempt against Chinese military production but China manages to defeat it with their IADS -- will that result in a Chinese response with tactical nukes?
Would China interpret any attack on Chinese soil in general in a launch-on-warning threat against military production facilities? Is that even possible given that the attack profile of strike systems against Chinese military bases and Chinese military production facilities would look fairly similar until they get a hundred km away from their target?


That depends on how thoroughly China can degrade these forces and prevent them from doing damage. If China fails at this then it becomes more important to make the US suffer at least as much as the US is going to make China suffer.

Let's leave aside the Zoomer zingers.

That's the mountain the PLA must climb and there must be peace until it climbs that mountain. We discussed previously what China would need to achieve to win a war of attrition against the US in the western Pacific; a PLA that can do that is a PLA that can seize/neutralize Hawaii.

I agree that I equivocated and should have made these delineations clearer. The point I tried to make is that the US never second-guessed itself when it threatened the Soviet Union with tactical nuclear weapons during the Cold War, despite the fact that the USSR could respond and escalate against the US. I would like China to drink a little of the water the US has been drinking.

Even though I won't shift your position and you won't shift mine, I hope you see the merit to China abandoning its wholly rational, wholly reactive nuclear posture, even if what I'm selling is a bridge too far.

So, the bolded part is also how I interpret your argument.

The reason why the US was able to credibly threaten the USSR with tactical nuclear weapons in the Cold War, is because of long term peacetime geostrategic positioning. The forward basing of US forces in Europe and the fact that Europe would be the battleground and thus the area where the vast majority of tactical nuclear use would be seen (due to the delivery platforms of tactical nukes which was delineated from strategic nuclear weapon delivery vehicles), means that it was in the US interest to be the first one willing to use tactical nukes, as their homeland (containing their major centers of sociopolitical, industrial, economic, military strategic command importance) was at far lower risk of being struck by tactical nuclear weapons. That is why the US possessed escalation advantage against the USSR in terms of employment of tactical nukes.

The reason why China is unable to credibly threaten the US (now, and into the foreseeable future) with tactical nuclear weapons, is also because of long term peacetime geostrategic positioning. The forward basing of US forces in westpac and the fact that westpac would be the battleground and thus where the vast majority of tactical nuclear use would be seen (due to the delivery platforms of contemporary tactical nukes, which remains similarly delineated from strategic nuclear weapon delivery vehicles), means that it is not in the Chinese interest to be the first one willing to use tactical nukes, because the Chinese homeland (containing their major centers of sociopolitical, industrial, economic, military strategic command importance) is at far higher risk of being struck in the ensuing tactical nuclear exchange.
That is why I believe it is impossible for China to possess escalation advantage (or even parity) against the US in terms of employment of tactical nukes, until the long term peacetime geostrategic positioning question is resolved --- but of course to resolve that question would either require a massive drawdown of US globally deployed forces (requiring some sort of large scale geostrategic/economic collapse in the US on the scale of the American Civil War), or a major westpac conflict where the PLA is capable of decisively achieving victory and driving the US presence backwards, to Hawaii if not beyond.
 

SEAD

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My own opinion is that PLA had transferred their strategy from ‘occupy Taiwan asap’ to ‘win a full scale conventional war with US’. Something like Iraq war vs. Battle of Britain/Pacific War. Now Taiwan is not so special for PLA from military perspective.

Recently US has a plan A (sink the amphibious fleet with a surprise attack) and a plan B (if plan A fails, try to exhaust PLA conventional force with predominant quantity in a long drawn war which may last for several years/months) for Taiwan scenario, I believe PLA wants to make sure they can defeat plan B firstly and it’s smart for me.

For me I don’t think US will attack deep targets such as Xi’an or Sichuan, partially because there’re many nuclear facilities (e.g. warheads storage) and it may trigger an uncontrolled escalation. China is also unlikely to respond coastal attack with nuclear weapons, it’s also too uncontrollable and against their political doctrines.
 
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tphuang

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This entire conversation started in the nuclear submarine thread. As long as china has a major technological disadvantage to usn, it will face huge disadvantage in any type of tactical nuke exchange. And that's if we assume that china can wipe out all us military bases in first chain and Guam. And if Japan does not allow hosting of any us forces.

And as we speak, it would be a huge accomplishment for china to have nuclear subs as capable of Virginia class by the end of this decade.

The idea that somehow a few cruise missiles hitting jn shipyard will strip china the ability to keep going with war scenario with conventional weapons is quite far fetched.
 

ZeEa5KPul

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My issue with your proposal from previous posts is that by proclaiming that China will respond to any attack on military production facilities with the use of tactical nuclear weapons on its own against US soil, you open yourself up to a massive grey zone area where if the US conducts say, a number of smaller scale strikes against Chinese military production, then will China respond with tactical nukes? Will they not? What if the US conducts an attempt against Chinese military production but China manages to defeat it with their IADS -- will that result in a Chinese response with tactical nukes?
Clearly a tactical nuclear missile shot at Huntington Ingalls because a gantry crane in Dalian got knocked over is not a serious proposition. However, there has to be some percentage whereby that level of damage is unacceptable. Clearly it's not 0% (i.e. any damage about nothing merits a nuclear response) or 100% (any damage below total is acceptable and won't trigger a response). Where that level exactly is, I don't know - but I sure hope the Chinese government knows. I'd like it to be close to 0%, but I'm not the one tasked with making that determination and I'm pretty glad I don't have that kind of responsibility.

Also, even though the Chinese government should have a clear idea about what level of damage or even intent (does a failed strike count as "damage"?) merits nuclear escalation, I don't think it should be public about it. There's a lot of deterrence value in that gray zone area you described; let the US sweat the ambiguity. I recall reading a story that some US official asked a Chinese counterpart if China would response with nuclear attacks if it suffered overwhelming conventional damage (I believe the destruction of the Three Gorges Dam and subsequent flooding was used as an example). The Chinese official responded with something like "try it and find out."
The reason why the US was able to credibly threaten the USSR with tactical nuclear weapons in the Cold War, is because of long term peacetime geostrategic positioning. The forward basing of US forces in Europe and the fact that Europe would be the battleground and thus the area where the vast majority of tactical nuclear use would be seen (due to the delivery platforms of tactical nukes which was delineated from strategic nuclear weapon delivery vehicles), means that it was in the US interest to be the first one willing to use tactical nukes, as their homeland (containing their major centers of sociopolitical, industrial, economic, military strategic command importance) was at far lower risk of being struck by tactical nuclear weapons. That is why the US possessed escalation advantage against the USSR in terms of employment of tactical nukes.
That argument goes by the wayside when we consider that delivery systems are both cheap enough and accurate enough that tactical nuclear weapons can be delivered at intercontinental ranges successfully. In my basing concept, tactical and strategic nuclear weapons would be indistinguishable. It's not like you'd have regular DF-31AG TELs that would carry tactical nuclear weapons and Pro Max DF-31AG TELs that would carry strategic ones - the delivery systems would be indistinguishable. Similarly, the US would have no way of knowing that silos #35-42 and #79-103 have the tactical nukes and the rest have the strategic ones.

No matter what employment doctrine one considers, be it an aggressive one like mine or a completely reactive one, the problem of successfully delivering tactical nuclear weapons to the continental US has to be solved.
That is why I believe it is impossible for China to possess escalation advantage (or even parity) against the US in terms of employment of tactical nukes, until the long term peacetime geostrategic positioning question is resolved --- but of course to resolve that question would either require a massive drawdown of US globally deployed forces (requiring some sort of large scale geostrategic/economic collapse in the US on the scale of the American Civil War), or a major westpac conflict where the PLA is capable of decisively achieving victory and driving the US presence backwards, to Hawaii if not beyond.
This further reinforces the point that the PLA needs to be able to rapidly and decisively degrade the forward positioned US forces to the point where they can't even mount a response with tactical nuclear weapons - what I called in a previous post "stomping every cockroach simultaneously." This is an enormously difficult problem, but it must be solved or we're in scenario 5 where a nuclear war gets kicked off without China firing first.

I see two possibilities in this regard
  1. The PLA just has to get that damn good.
  2. In addition to being able to threaten the continental US with comparable damage using tac-nukes, China must threaten US regional allies with employment of strategic nuclear weapons against them if their territory is used to do an unacceptable level of damage against China.
The second point is not an operational doctrine or military capability; it's political coercion, so it must be applied before a crisis kicks off and the US seizes total political control of its allies.
 

ZeEa5KPul

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This entire conversation started in the nuclear submarine thread. As long as china has a major technological disadvantage to usn, it will face huge disadvantage in any type of tactical nuke exchange. And that's if we assume that china can wipe out all us military bases in first chain and Guam. And if Japan does not allow hosting of any us forces.

And as we speak, it would be a huge accomplishment for china to have nuclear subs as capable of Virginia class by the end of this decade.

The idea that somehow a few cruise missiles hitting jn shipyard will strip china the ability to keep going with war scenario with conventional weapons is quite far fetched.
I think we have different views of what the recently pictured putative "Type 09-IIIB" entails about the level of Chinese SSN technology. But if I'm wrong and you're right then the USN will own the depths and their submarines will be able to launch much more than a few cruise missiles at JNCX.
 

SEAD

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This entire conversation started in the nuclear submarine thread. As long as china has a major technological disadvantage to usn, it will face huge disadvantage in any type of tactical nuke exchange. And that's if we assume that china can wipe out all us military bases in first chain and Guam. And if Japan does not allow hosting of any us forces.
Why Japan is so different? Literally it’s a part of 1st island chain.
And as we speak, it would be a huge accomplishment for china to have nuclear subs as capable of Virginia class by the end of this decade.

The idea that somehow a few cruise missiles hitting jn shipyard will strip china the ability to keep going with war scenario with conventional weapons is quite far fetched.
a few missiles are way off to block a shipyard, you need a nuke warhead >3kt to do that.
 

tphuang

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I think we have different views of what the recently pictured putative "Type 09-IIIB" entails about the level of Chinese SSN technology.
Think of 093B as H-6K, an improvement over an old platform testing out a bunch of new technology. Think of 095 as H-20, a 2 to 3 generation improvement over the original 093.

But if I'm wrong and you're right then the USN will own the depths and their submarines will be able to launch much more than a few cruise missiles at JNCX.
There are 21 Virginia class in service, most of them have just 12 VLS tubes. There are about 22 688i in servce with 12 VLS tubes each. Let's say USN deploys half of that to West Pacific, they can launch at most 250 tomhawak missiles. What damage can you do with 250 tomahawk missiles when there are air bases, missiles launchers and multiple shipyard they'd want to target and the number of them that will get intercepted by naval ships and short range SAM along the wa

Putting things in perspective
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Disabling the airstrips themselves would be an even taller order. The United States fired 59 Tomahawks at the Shayrat Air Base in Syria in 2017, all but one of which hit, yet the runway was back in operation just a few hours later....And much of the infrastructure has been hardened, including China’s
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, and
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. The most effective means of cratering the runways themselves would be to drop heavier ordnance from the air, but that would put high-value U.S. bombers at unacceptable risk in a secondary theater (more on that below). So a safer bet would be to just focus on hitting key information nodes with longer-range munitions. A hundred cruise missiles per outpost would not be an unreasonable estimate to effectively disable the bases.

So 100 missiles would be needed to just disable one of China's SCS island bases and that's without many workers around to fix things up. Just think about how many LACMs are needed to keep 1 Chinese military base or shipyard offline when there are unlimited labor around to fixing things up.

Why Japan is so different? Literally it’s a part of 1st island chain.
You misunderstood what I wrote. Even if Japan doesn't get involved in the conflict and all the 1st island chain gets wiped, SSNs with actical nukes can easily wipe out China's military production capabilities.

It's in China's benefit to keep things conventional.
 

ZeEa5KPul

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My own opinion is that PLA had transferred their strategy from ‘occupy Taiwan asap’ to ‘win a full scale conventional war with US’. Something like Iraq war vs. Battle of Britain/Pacific War. Now Taiwan is not so special for PLA from military perspective.
I have my suspicions that this isn't your first jaunt in this forum and about what your intentions here are, but I have to say that I could not agree more with this statement.

The idea crystalized with me recently that the PLA doesn't intend to undertake any military action whatsoever against Taiwan. No amphibious landings, no air and missile strikes, nothing. Think about it, Taiwan has next to no capability to project force against the Chinese mainland, and it's going to have even less of an ability if it "learns" from Ukraine. Add to that that Taiwan is territory that China claims as its own - why would you want to harm your own property if you can help it?

That the PRC doesn't control Taiwan isn't the problem, it's a symptom of the problem. The problem is the US presence in the western Pacific enabled by its alliance with Japan. The war is against the US-Japan alliance, not Taiwan. Should China win that war, everything in its region will fall into place, including Taiwan immediately reunifying with the PRC on the PRC's terms.
 

ZeEa5KPul

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Think of 093B as H-6K, an improvement over an old platform testing out a bunch of new technology. Think of 095 as H-20, a 2 to 3 generation improvement over the original 093.
I think of the 09-IIIB/09-V as analogous to the 052D(L)/055. The 052D(L) is a competitive destroyer that inherited some limitations from its hull form and lineage, but it's still a thoroughly modern destroyer (AESA radars, UVLS, decent powerplant, etc.) The 055 I would say without hesitation is the most advanced and most capable destroyer in service anywhere in the world - monstrously powerful and sophisticated radar, wholly modern hull form with massive room for expansion, stupefying amounts of power from its engines, etc. Better yet is its future proofing for advances like IEPS and DEW/railguns, something the 052D has no hope of achieving.

I know I'm out on a limb here and most respected users think differently, but I think the analogy is nearly perfect. I expect the 09-IIIB to be China's first truly modern, competitive submarine that can hang in there but gives up a bit to the world leaders in the field. This means that we'll see production in numbers on this class if my view is correct, which is supported by the construction and expansion at Bohai. The 09-IIIB should be able to hold the fort for the near-to-medium term, even if it still isn't the PLAN's dream SSN.

The 09-V, whenever it emerges, I expect to be a wholly different story. If it's not a leader in SSNs, it's the leader. If this stretches credulity, think back to how Chinese surface shipbuilding looked 5-10 years before the Type 055 emerged.
There are 21 Virginia class in service, most of them have just 12 VLS tubes. There are about 22 688i in servce with 12 VLS tubes each.
I'm considering war scenarios post 2035 (which is the only timeframe I find interesting). The US will have more submarines (and more capable) in service by then. China will have a lot more than it does today, but the US will also have more than it does today.
So 100 missiles would be needed to just disable one of China's SCS island bases and that's without many workers around to fix things up. Just think about how many LACMs are needed to keep 1 Chinese military base or shipyard offline when there are unlimited labor around to fixing things up.
There's a difference between the damage a cruise missile can do to a slab of concrete and the damage it can do to the sensitive equipment in a shipyard (or even a semiconductor fab if we expand the target portfolio). The former can be repaired for a few tens of thousands of dollars, the latter can run up to the billions; let alone how much time it would take to replace the one relative to the other.

I wish it was as simple as you depict it, but there's still enormous damage the US can do with even a handful of conventionally armed cruise missiles.
 
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