Persian Gulf & Middle East Military News, Reports, Data, etc.


voyager1

Captain
Registered Member
Erdogan future seems bleak. Saudi weak without the hegemon. Seems iran in best position to potentially lead the muslim world. Tho I doubt the arabs and turks will ever accept that.
Erdogan is having grand dreams about Turkey. The only problem is that he forgot that in order to achieve all these nice dreams you need a strong economy.

With an economy in the toilet, how is Erdogan supposed to achieve his vision. The only thing he is achieving, is making his people poorer by the day
 

Khalij e Fars

Junior Member
Registered Member
Iran-backed militias attacked a secret CIA hangar in Iraq this spring in a drone strike

The sophistication of the drone assault alarmed the WH: some pushed for a military response, others urged restraint.

BAGHDAD — U.S. military officials in Iraq have grown increasingly alarmed over attacks by Iran-backed militias using drones to evade detection systems around military bases and diplomatic facilities.

In place of rockets, militiamen have turned at times to small, fixed-wing drones that fly too low to be picked up by defensive systems, military officials and diplomats say. An official with the U.S.-led coalition described the evolving drone threat as the military mission’s biggest concern in Iraq.

In April, a drone strike targeted a CIA hangar inside the airport complex in the northern city of Irbil, according to officials familiar with the matter. The drone’s flight was tracked to within 10 miles of the site, but its path was then lost as it moved into a civilian flight path, the coalition official said.


The drone’s remains were partially recovered, and preliminary analysis suggested it was made in Iran, a coalition official said. The attack deeply concerned White House and Pentagon officials because of the covert nature of the facility and the sophistication of the strike.

A similar drone attack in May on the sprawling Ain al-Asad air base raised similar concerns among coalition commanders about how militias are adapting their tactics, according to officials and personnel on base.

“The damage wasn’t huge but the coalition were very upset. They told our commanders that it was a major escalation,” said one Iraqi soldier stationed at Ain al-Asad, speaking on the condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the situation. Ain al-Asad was previously targeted by Iran with ballistic missiles in January 2020 in response to the U.S. assassination of Iranian commander Maj. Gen. Qasem Soleimani earlier that month.

Rocket attacks by Iran-backed groups have at times killed American servicemen and Iraqi security personnel and civilians, prompting retaliatory military action from the United States and pushing Washington and Tehran to the brink of outright conflict on Iraqi soil.

Although tensions have cooled since President Biden took office, officials worry that future attacks still risk sparking a new cycle of tit-for-tat violence as Iran-backed groups try to push a rump coalition force out of Iraq altogether.

Iraqi pressure on U.S. and other coalition forces to withdraw surged last year amid outrage here over the Trump administration’s decision to kill Soleimani and Iraqi militia leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis using a drone strike.

U.S. troop levels have fallen roughly by half since then, in part because Iraqi security forces are now taking the lead rolling up what remains of the Islamic State. But American numbers have also declined in response to increasing rocket attacks, which left some commanders describing their soldiers as sitting ducks. There are now about 3,000 coalition troops in Iraq, including 2,500 Americans.

In the absence of effective defenses, the drone threat now raises the prospect of a sudden escalation of violence. Each fresh attack triggers a flurry of communication as U.S. officials seek to determine whether Americans have been killed or injured.

“The death of an American is their red line,” said one Western official, speaking on the condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the issue. “The first question the Americans always ask is: what was the casualty’s nationality?”

The first troop talks of Biden’s presidency took place in April and although both sides called them a successful step toward reducing the coalition presence in Iraq, the resulting communique appeared to be more a restatement of current realities than a strategic shift.

In a statement this month, a council of Iran-linked [Iraqi] militia groups described the latest talks as “totally and completely unacceptable” and vowed to increase pressure on coalition forces. “The Iraqi resistance confirms its full readiness to perform its legitimate, national and legal duty to achieve this goal,” the council said.

Last year, U.S. officials hailed the killings of Soleimani and Muhandis as a way of weakening the threat that Iran-linked groups pose to American forces in Iraq. Instead, that strike made the threat more diffuse. Iran-linked [Iraqi] groups have since rallied, security officials and analysts say, seeding their militia members among a mushrooming number of smaller front groups, which now regularly attack U.S.-linked targets.

Iraq’s militia network, known as the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), includes some groups that are backed by Iran and others that are not. They are an official part of Iraq’s security forces, and their members command extensive influence throughout the country’s Iraqi economy and political system.

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Khalij e Fars

Junior Member
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These U.S. troops survived one of the greatest crises of the Trump era. A year later, they’re still coping.

image_2021-07-06_175055.png

The U.S. soldiers scrambled from one bunker to the next, stumbling past charred wreckage, 30-foot-wide craters and puddles of diesel fuel. A barrage of ballistic missiles had briefly knocked some of them unconscious, and more were on the way.

Maj. Alan Johnson struggled to focus after absorbing the monstrous blast waves of several explosions, including one that missed his bunker by about 60 feet, he recalled.

“I still have anxiety,” Johnson said. I still have recurring nightmares of incoming — just that sound of those things coming in.
The United States stood at the precipice of full-scale war a year ago when Iran launched [ballistic] 16 missiles at U.S. forces in Iraq.
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in the western part of the country, another landed outside the northern city of Irbil, and four malfunctioned, the military said.

After months of escalating confrontation, Iranian-backed forces had laid siege to the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad about a week earlier. The Trump administration responded a few days later by launching a
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in Baghdad that killed an Iranian general, Qasem Soleimani, a longtime U.S. nemesis.

Facing the gravest international security crisis of his presidency, President Trump suddenly shifted gears. “All is well!” he tweeted within hours of the attack on Jan. 8, 2020.

A year later, service members who endured the attack described how close the United States and Iran came to greater calamity.
No U.S. troops were killed despite Iran’s use of weapons that were each about 40 feet long and carrying 1,600 pounds of explosives, more powerful than any weapon launched at Americans in a generation.

But 110 survivors were ultimately diagnosed with traumatic brain injuries, some requiring long hospitalizations and intensive therapies at the Walter Reed National Military Medical Center outside Washington. The military disclosed the injures days after the strike, saying that an earlier Trump announcement that there were “no casualties” was based on the best information the Pentagon had at the time.

In reality, 29 service members, including Johnson, were injured seriously enough to receive Purple Hearts in the strike, which the Iranians called Operation Martyr Soleimani.

I can’t think that anyone has walked away from this without some sort of effects, psychologically or emotionally, because of how traumatic the event was,” said Lt. Col. Johnathan Jordan, the operations officer for an Air Force unit present that night.

The airfield was quiet as midnight arrived — “almost like a ghost town,” said Tech. Sgt. Bryan Moody, part of an Air Force security forces team on duty.

Moody, a member of the Kentucky Air National Guard, and his colleagues drove around in a mine-resistant truck, making sure the base was secure. Other troops stood watch in guard towers, vigilant in case a ground attack also materialized, while nearly everyone else left on the base sheltered in place.

The warning rang out over loudspeakers after 1 a.m.: “Incoming! Incoming! Take cover!”

The first missile exploded at 1:34 a.m. about 100 yards from the mine-resistant vehicle that Moody’s team was driving, casting debris on the hood. Johnson, assigned to an Army aviation unit, huddled with soldiers in an aboveground shelter. With open-air sides and sandbags covering concrete, the bunker was designed to stop smaller rockets — not missiles.

Johnson has no recollection of the first three blasts and believes it is because the third briefly knocked him and other soldiers in his bunker unconscious. It had landed about 70 yards away.

The fourth exploded about 300 yards away. The fifth and sixth missiles whooshed in about 40 seconds later — one 120 yards away and the other just 60 feet. Johnson tasted “ammonia-flavored moon dust” on his teeth before he lost consciousness again.

Four missile volleys lasted more than an hour, one coming about every 15 minutes.

During lulls in the barrage, their team and other security forces rushed to check on others on base.

Among those in need of help were two soldiers trapped in a guard tower that was on fire, Moody said. A missile had landed nearby, and they were unable to climb down from their 12-foot-high perch because of the flames.

Elsewhere, a contractor who suffered a serious eye injury needed help.

Even with the attack over for hours, there was little movement on the base at daybreak.

Levander said his crew’s CV-22 flew over the base early that morning. Virtually no one had left their bunkers yet, and hangars were still on fire, he said. When he and his colleagues returned to their living area, they found soap dispensers blown off walls, lights hanging askew, and electric generators that had stopped.

Soldiers who had survived in bunkers were hesitant to leave them, even after an “all clear” message went out. Some were crying, Johnson said. Some were whimpering. Others were vomiting.

“The fact was, everyone had these symptoms of traumatic brain injury,” Johnson said. “But those symptoms were insignificant compared to what we went through all night.”

Service members began receiving testing afterward. Patients with the most significant symptoms were evacuated from Iraq. Johnson was diagnosed with a brain injury and spent weeks receiving physical therapy, speech therapy, occupational therapy, ocular motor therapy and psychiatric care in Germany. He eventually returned to the Middle East to complete his deployment.

Davenport and Moody said they did not suffer any injuries. But they wonder how America moved on so quickly. “It’s kind of disheartening sometimes,” Davenport said. “Some people don’t even know it happened.”

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A fascinating insight into the historic, direct military action by Iran against the USA from the occupying soldiers on the ground, which went unanswered by the US.

I would add that the article omits that the President of the US threatened in advance that if Iran were to strike at any US target (in retaliation for the illegal assassination of Iranian General Soleimani), the US would instantly respond with military strikes against 52 pre-selected Iranian sites, including historical heritage sites.

This, of course, did not happen: the US did not respond militarily at all - deterrence was restored.
 

mankyle

New Member
Registered Member
It seems there has been an "incident" between the algerian navy (their new italian made LPD, her scort and two Kilo submarines) and a Dolphin class Israeli submarine.

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