China's Westward One Belt One Road Strategy
- Thread starter tidalwave
- Start date
So many beginner questions, why don't you start with Wikipedia first, then some google search if you still have questions.
Also I highly recommend article written by this author, he has some close up accounts with B&R
I give you also a more friendly and very short reply.
There are many unstable countries around China which might be exploited by a powerful country that wants to prevent the growth of China. China might react by spending much more on defence but it remembers an old Chinese saying: Who wants to become rich will build a road. By building so many road, railways etc. the other countries will become richer, will trade more with China and than will make China richer and the richer neighbours have good reason not to let themselves be exploited in wars that would do damage to everyone around.
The whole story is indeed very much longer but this is the essence. Buying lots of weapons makes you poorer, building roads makes you richer.
Last edited:
Hendrik_2000
Lieutenant General
China is winning the heart and mind of Myanmar
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar — When ’s leader, , wanted to hold a peace conference to end her country’s long-burning insurgencies, a senior Chinese diplomat went to work.
The official assembled scores of rebel leaders, many with longstanding connections to , briefed them on the peace gathering and flew them on a chartered plane to Myanmar’s capital. There, after being introduced to a beaming Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, they were wined and dined, and sang rowdy karaoke late into the night.
A cease-fire may still be a long way off, but the gesture neatly illustrates how Myanmar, a former military dictatorship that the United States worked hard to press toward democracy, is now depending on China to help solve its problems.
The pieces all fell into place for China: It wanted peace in Myanmar to protect its new energy investments, it had the leverage to press the rebels and it found an opening to do a favor for Myanmar to deliver peace.
China is now able to play its natural role in Myanmar in a more forceful way than ever before as the United States under the Trump administration steps back from more than six years of heavy engagement in Myanmar, including some tentative contacts with some of the rebels. The vacuum left by the United States makes China’s return all the easier.
When Myanmar began to adopt democratic reforms in 2011, the Obama administration quickly reciprocated, loosening sanctions as part of a broader effort to strengthen relationships with Southeast Asian nations as a bulwark against China’s rise.
As Myanmar’s relations with China cooled, the result of what many saw as heavy-handed intervention by Beijing, became, in 2012, the first American president to visit the country. He came again in 2014, promoting stronger trade and security relations, and counted Myanmar’s opening as a foreign policy coup.
But the United States did little to build on the new relationship, and now the tables have turned. As the Trump administration pays little attention, China is exercising strategic and economic interests that come from geographic proximity, using deep pockets for building billion-dollar infrastructure and activating ethnic ties with some of the rebel groups, all areas where the United States cannot compete.
“China wants to show: ‘We are doing our best at your behest,’” said Min Zin, executive director of the Institute for Strategy and Policy in Myanmar, who attended the peace gathering in May. “As the United States recedes, Aung San Suu Kyi is relying more and more on China in Myanmar and on the international stage.”
Photo
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Beijing in May. Since becoming Myanmar’s de facto leader last year, she has visited Beijing twice and passed on an invitation to Washington. CreditPool photo by Mark Schiefelbein
And not only Myanmar. Across Southeast Asia, China is energetically bringing nations into its orbit, wooing American friends and allies with military hardware, infrastructure deals and diplomatic attention.
In the Philippines, an American ally, President Rodrigo Duterte is leaning strongly toward Beijing. The military government in Thailand, another American ally, has bought submarines from China and, at China’s request, , a Turkic ethnic group that China accuses of fomenting violence in China. In Malaysia, China is offering Prime Minister Najib Razak like projects.
After the Obama administration in Myanmar, China’s president, , was reported to have asked, “Who lost Myanmar?” The message has gotten through, as China is now pushing on multiple fronts to bring the country back into its fold.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi seems receptive. She since becoming Myanmar’s de facto leader last year. In contrast, she skipped an invitation from Washington to attend a conclave of Southeast Asian foreign ministers — she is also foreign minister of Myanmar — organized by Secretary of State .
China and Myanmar have also found common cause in their hard line on Muslims. At the United Nations several months ago, China supported by the United States on the persecution of the Rohingya, the Muslim minority in Myanmar.
But nowhere is China’s effort to win over Myanmar clearer than as mediator in Myanmar’s ethnic civil wars, the mission Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi says is dearest to her heart.
“I do believe that as a good neighbor China will do everything possible to promote our peace process,” . “If you ask me what my most important aim is for my country, it is to achieve peace and unity among the different peoples of our union.”
China is well positioned to help. Among the armed groups most resistant to peace talks are the United Wa State Army and the Kokang Army, both of which have been tacitly supported by China for years in their battles with the Myanmar military.
The Wa, whose army is said to have 20,000 members, use Chinese currency in their autonomous region, where illegal narcotics are made and exported into China. Two Wa arms factories produce weapons with the help of former Chinese Army officers, and the Wa have received Chinese armored combat vehicles and tank destroyers, probably through Chinese middlemen, experts say.
Photo
China plans to build a $7.3 billion deep-sea port in the poor fishing town of Kyaukpyu, giving its navy a base on the Indian Ocean. But residents say they have seen few benefits from a decade of Chinese pipeline construction. CreditSoe Zeya Tun/Reuters
A third group, the Arakan Army, uses Chinese arms and vehicles provided by the Wa.
China’s special envoy for Asian affairs, Sun Guoxiang, brought the leaders of all three to the peace conference, as well as the leaders of four other rebel groups, most of whom use Chinese weapons.
“China wants quiet in Myanmar,” said Maung Aung Myoe, an expert on the Myanmar military at the International University of Japan. “It hurts their interests to have fighting because it disrupts China’s trade. China now owns the peace process. The Myanmar military knows that.”
China has a particular interest in pressing the Arakan rebels to the peace table. They operate in the western state of Rakhine, where they can wreak havoc with the Chinese-built pipelines that carry and natural gas from the Bay of Bengal to southern China. Keeping Rakhine free of unrest may have also been a factor in China’s blocking the United Nations on the committed by Myanmar’s army there.
The stakes are rising as a Chinese state-owned corporation negotiates final permissions to build a $7.3 billion deep-sea port at Kyaukpyu, a port town in Rakhine that will give China highly prized access to the Indian Ocean.
Citic Construction of China is to start building the port early next year, having won the contract by covering 85 percent of the cost, said Oo Maung, vice chairman of the Kyaukpyu special economic zone management committee. Citic also won the right to build a $3.2 billion industrial park nearby, he said.
The port is a signature project of China’s global initiative, a $1 trillion global infrastructure campaign, which ensured preferential financing, said Yuan Shaobin, vice chairman of Citic Construction.
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar — When ’s leader, , wanted to hold a peace conference to end her country’s long-burning insurgencies, a senior Chinese diplomat went to work.
The official assembled scores of rebel leaders, many with longstanding connections to , briefed them on the peace gathering and flew them on a chartered plane to Myanmar’s capital. There, after being introduced to a beaming Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, they were wined and dined, and sang rowdy karaoke late into the night.
A cease-fire may still be a long way off, but the gesture neatly illustrates how Myanmar, a former military dictatorship that the United States worked hard to press toward democracy, is now depending on China to help solve its problems.
The pieces all fell into place for China: It wanted peace in Myanmar to protect its new energy investments, it had the leverage to press the rebels and it found an opening to do a favor for Myanmar to deliver peace.
China is now able to play its natural role in Myanmar in a more forceful way than ever before as the United States under the Trump administration steps back from more than six years of heavy engagement in Myanmar, including some tentative contacts with some of the rebels. The vacuum left by the United States makes China’s return all the easier.
When Myanmar began to adopt democratic reforms in 2011, the Obama administration quickly reciprocated, loosening sanctions as part of a broader effort to strengthen relationships with Southeast Asian nations as a bulwark against China’s rise.
As Myanmar’s relations with China cooled, the result of what many saw as heavy-handed intervention by Beijing, became, in 2012, the first American president to visit the country. He came again in 2014, promoting stronger trade and security relations, and counted Myanmar’s opening as a foreign policy coup.
But the United States did little to build on the new relationship, and now the tables have turned. As the Trump administration pays little attention, China is exercising strategic and economic interests that come from geographic proximity, using deep pockets for building billion-dollar infrastructure and activating ethnic ties with some of the rebel groups, all areas where the United States cannot compete.
“China wants to show: ‘We are doing our best at your behest,’” said Min Zin, executive director of the Institute for Strategy and Policy in Myanmar, who attended the peace gathering in May. “As the United States recedes, Aung San Suu Kyi is relying more and more on China in Myanmar and on the international stage.”
Photo
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Beijing in May. Since becoming Myanmar’s de facto leader last year, she has visited Beijing twice and passed on an invitation to Washington. CreditPool photo by Mark Schiefelbein
And not only Myanmar. Across Southeast Asia, China is energetically bringing nations into its orbit, wooing American friends and allies with military hardware, infrastructure deals and diplomatic attention.
In the Philippines, an American ally, President Rodrigo Duterte is leaning strongly toward Beijing. The military government in Thailand, another American ally, has bought submarines from China and, at China’s request, , a Turkic ethnic group that China accuses of fomenting violence in China. In Malaysia, China is offering Prime Minister Najib Razak like projects.
After the Obama administration in Myanmar, China’s president, , was reported to have asked, “Who lost Myanmar?” The message has gotten through, as China is now pushing on multiple fronts to bring the country back into its fold.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi seems receptive. She since becoming Myanmar’s de facto leader last year. In contrast, she skipped an invitation from Washington to attend a conclave of Southeast Asian foreign ministers — she is also foreign minister of Myanmar — organized by Secretary of State .
China and Myanmar have also found common cause in their hard line on Muslims. At the United Nations several months ago, China supported by the United States on the persecution of the Rohingya, the Muslim minority in Myanmar.
But nowhere is China’s effort to win over Myanmar clearer than as mediator in Myanmar’s ethnic civil wars, the mission Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi says is dearest to her heart.
“I do believe that as a good neighbor China will do everything possible to promote our peace process,” . “If you ask me what my most important aim is for my country, it is to achieve peace and unity among the different peoples of our union.”
China is well positioned to help. Among the armed groups most resistant to peace talks are the United Wa State Army and the Kokang Army, both of which have been tacitly supported by China for years in their battles with the Myanmar military.
The Wa, whose army is said to have 20,000 members, use Chinese currency in their autonomous region, where illegal narcotics are made and exported into China. Two Wa arms factories produce weapons with the help of former Chinese Army officers, and the Wa have received Chinese armored combat vehicles and tank destroyers, probably through Chinese middlemen, experts say.
Photo
China plans to build a $7.3 billion deep-sea port in the poor fishing town of Kyaukpyu, giving its navy a base on the Indian Ocean. But residents say they have seen few benefits from a decade of Chinese pipeline construction. CreditSoe Zeya Tun/Reuters
A third group, the Arakan Army, uses Chinese arms and vehicles provided by the Wa.
China’s special envoy for Asian affairs, Sun Guoxiang, brought the leaders of all three to the peace conference, as well as the leaders of four other rebel groups, most of whom use Chinese weapons.
“China wants quiet in Myanmar,” said Maung Aung Myoe, an expert on the Myanmar military at the International University of Japan. “It hurts their interests to have fighting because it disrupts China’s trade. China now owns the peace process. The Myanmar military knows that.”
China has a particular interest in pressing the Arakan rebels to the peace table. They operate in the western state of Rakhine, where they can wreak havoc with the Chinese-built pipelines that carry and natural gas from the Bay of Bengal to southern China. Keeping Rakhine free of unrest may have also been a factor in China’s blocking the United Nations on the committed by Myanmar’s army there.
The stakes are rising as a Chinese state-owned corporation negotiates final permissions to build a $7.3 billion deep-sea port at Kyaukpyu, a port town in Rakhine that will give China highly prized access to the Indian Ocean.
Citic Construction of China is to start building the port early next year, having won the contract by covering 85 percent of the cost, said Oo Maung, vice chairman of the Kyaukpyu special economic zone management committee. Citic also won the right to build a $3.2 billion industrial park nearby, he said.
The port is a signature project of China’s global initiative, a $1 trillion global infrastructure campaign, which ensured preferential financing, said Yuan Shaobin, vice chairman of Citic Construction.
Hendrik_2000
Lieutenant General
(cont)
The United States generally leaves construction projects and other investments abroad to private companies, and Myanmar, a frontier economy fraught with risks, is considered an unattractive destination, said Mary P. Callahan, associate professor of international studies at the University of Washington.
“American companies haven’t come because of the high price of land, and a difficult approval process,” she said. “The labor force is cheap but not skilled.”
America’s loss may be China’s strategic gain. China’s ownership of the port — Citic will have the right to operate it for 50 years, with a possible 25-year extension — hands Beijing a giant boost in its long-term plans for supremacy in the Indian Ocean, analysts said.
Photo
Construction was halted before it had barely begun on a Chinese-financed dam planned for the Irrawaddy River. Some in Myanmar suspect that China is helping with the peace process to win approval for the dam. CreditMinzayar Oo for The New York Times
Once completed, “Kyaukpyu will be a Chinese naval base,” said Mr. Maung Aung Myoe, the military analyst. “China desperately needs access on the eastern side of the Indian Ocean.”
China is already building Indian Ocean ports in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and it is seeking approval for one in Bangladesh.
Some hurdles remain. Frustration with China roils the scruffy town of Kyaukpyu, among the poorest in Myanmar. After a decade of Chinese pipeline construction in the area, ordinary people say they received few benefits. The schools built by China as part of a corporate responsibility project were empty shells, they said.
“I got a few cents a day for digging the pipeline and about $250 for the five-year use of my land,” said Tun Aung Kyaw, 56, a farmer who was walking to herd his six cows in bare feet, a thin tarpaulin tied across his bare chest to protect him from the monsoon rain.
Citic is aware of the hostility and is working with nongovernmental organizations in Kyaukpyu to avoid past mistakes, Mr. Yuan said. Citic will train Myanmar workers for 3,000 jobs for the park and the port, he said.
China also faces suspicions among Myanmar’s politicians, many of whom opposed planned at Myitsone, on the Irrawaddy River, to provide power to China. The previous government, yielding to public opposition, suspended the $3.6 billion project. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s government has appointed a commission to decide the dam’s fate.
A confidant of hers and a member of her political party, Mi Khun Chan, said China viewed aiding the peace process as part of the cost of winning a green light for the dam.
For all the misgivings among her people about China, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi seems impressed with Beijing’s power to assist in peace.
Her father, Aung San, the leader of Burma after World War II, dreamed of a united country. He almost got there, presiding over an agreement with ethnic leaders in 1947 for a federation of states. Six months later he was assassinated.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi wants to finish the job. “Our goal is the emergence of a democratic federal union based on democracy and federalism,” she said at the opening of the peace conference.
For the moment, she has China at her side.
The United States generally leaves construction projects and other investments abroad to private companies, and Myanmar, a frontier economy fraught with risks, is considered an unattractive destination, said Mary P. Callahan, associate professor of international studies at the University of Washington.
“American companies haven’t come because of the high price of land, and a difficult approval process,” she said. “The labor force is cheap but not skilled.”
America’s loss may be China’s strategic gain. China’s ownership of the port — Citic will have the right to operate it for 50 years, with a possible 25-year extension — hands Beijing a giant boost in its long-term plans for supremacy in the Indian Ocean, analysts said.
Photo
Construction was halted before it had barely begun on a Chinese-financed dam planned for the Irrawaddy River. Some in Myanmar suspect that China is helping with the peace process to win approval for the dam. CreditMinzayar Oo for The New York Times
Once completed, “Kyaukpyu will be a Chinese naval base,” said Mr. Maung Aung Myoe, the military analyst. “China desperately needs access on the eastern side of the Indian Ocean.”
China is already building Indian Ocean ports in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and it is seeking approval for one in Bangladesh.
Some hurdles remain. Frustration with China roils the scruffy town of Kyaukpyu, among the poorest in Myanmar. After a decade of Chinese pipeline construction in the area, ordinary people say they received few benefits. The schools built by China as part of a corporate responsibility project were empty shells, they said.
“I got a few cents a day for digging the pipeline and about $250 for the five-year use of my land,” said Tun Aung Kyaw, 56, a farmer who was walking to herd his six cows in bare feet, a thin tarpaulin tied across his bare chest to protect him from the monsoon rain.
Citic is aware of the hostility and is working with nongovernmental organizations in Kyaukpyu to avoid past mistakes, Mr. Yuan said. Citic will train Myanmar workers for 3,000 jobs for the park and the port, he said.
China also faces suspicions among Myanmar’s politicians, many of whom opposed planned at Myitsone, on the Irrawaddy River, to provide power to China. The previous government, yielding to public opposition, suspended the $3.6 billion project. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s government has appointed a commission to decide the dam’s fate.
A confidant of hers and a member of her political party, Mi Khun Chan, said China viewed aiding the peace process as part of the cost of winning a green light for the dam.
For all the misgivings among her people about China, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi seems impressed with Beijing’s power to assist in peace.
Her father, Aung San, the leader of Burma after World War II, dreamed of a united country. He almost got there, presiding over an agreement with ethnic leaders in 1947 for a federation of states. Six months later he was assassinated.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi wants to finish the job. “Our goal is the emergence of a democratic federal union based on democracy and federalism,” she said at the opening of the peace conference.
For the moment, she has China at her side.
Hendrik_2000
Lieutenant General
Wade sheppard has been reporting the OBOR from the very beginning when few people know about it
The plan is bold and audacious It slowly come into being even though it was met with skeptic m at the beginning. It is no more academic exercise but real trading network that is being formed as right now. China did have vision and ambition commodity so scare in this world
China's Belt And Road Is Starting To Fulfill Its Own Prophecies
,
I travel to emerging markets around Asia and report on what I find.
Opinions expressed by Forbes Contributors are their own.
Wade Shepard
The entrance to the China side of the ICBC.
When I first began at the beginning of 2015, it was difficult to find people on the ground who were aware of the initiative and had opinions about it. Even those who were directly involved with the projects or associated endeavors oftentimes had a conspicuous lack of big picture awareness. Even though the initiative was nearly two years old by that time and the Chinese state media and propaganda machine had been pumping it all the while, for the people actually living, working, and doing business in these emerging Silk Road stations, the Belt and Road always seemed to be something over the hills and far away — something that presidents and CEOs were doing, not mere traders hustling blankets and blouses in some new free trade zone or other.
This made my job a little difficult, as there is only so many times that you can quote someone as saying “I don’t know, it’s something the government is doing” in one book, and my interviews would often get turned around, with the people I was seeking information from instead asking me questions about what this Belt and Road thing actually was.
But by the spring of 2017 something had changed. A couple of months ago I was back in Khorgos (Horgos), the massive development area that flows over the China / Kazakhstan border, at the free trade zone called the (ICBC). It was my fourth visit to this area and my third to this project in particular, which provided me with a set of waypoints to adequately gauge its growth trajectory — the the place was little more than a Chinese junk market spewed out on the Eurasian steppes; now, it's a rollicking trading hub that is serving as a catalyst for commercial life in a previously remote region: the .
Wade Shepard
The ICBC and the other Horgos projects were literally built where there was nothing before. This place was once as remote as it gets.
But what struck me most about this recent visit wasn’t just the growing success of such an improbable project, but the fact that talk about the Belt and Road now seemed commonplace. People were mentioning it by name, with some merchants even claiming that they moved out there from places as far away as Shanghai because of it. Somewhere between my first visit there in the spring of 2015 and the spring of 2017, something happened: the cultural side of China’s Belt and Road campaign finally kicked in.
Wade Shepard
The new Chinese city of Horgos rising up on the Eurasian steppes.
According to by China’s National Language Resource Monitoring and Research Center, which shows the prevalence of word usage in Chinese media and society -- including things like and bumper stickers -- the most popular terms of 2016 were rule, small goal, change, AlphaGo, emoji package, and, yes, Belt and Road.
According to the researchers, the reason for the popularity of “Belt and Road" was due to “citizen's common aspirations for interconnectivity and win-win cooperation.”
Yeah . . .
But regardless of the reason, awareness of the Belt and Road has spread, it has now become a topic of conversation outside the walls of government agencies and university think tanks, and many in China now seem so convinced of its potential that they’re flooding into far flung places like Horgos, starting up businesses, making investments, and, essentially, making it work. The Belt and Road is starting to fulfill its own prophecies.
The plan is bold and audacious It slowly come into being even though it was met with skeptic m at the beginning. It is no more academic exercise but real trading network that is being formed as right now. China did have vision and ambition commodity so scare in this world
China's Belt And Road Is Starting To Fulfill Its Own Prophecies
,
I travel to emerging markets around Asia and report on what I find.
Opinions expressed by Forbes Contributors are their own.
Wade Shepard
The entrance to the China side of the ICBC.
When I first began at the beginning of 2015, it was difficult to find people on the ground who were aware of the initiative and had opinions about it. Even those who were directly involved with the projects or associated endeavors oftentimes had a conspicuous lack of big picture awareness. Even though the initiative was nearly two years old by that time and the Chinese state media and propaganda machine had been pumping it all the while, for the people actually living, working, and doing business in these emerging Silk Road stations, the Belt and Road always seemed to be something over the hills and far away — something that presidents and CEOs were doing, not mere traders hustling blankets and blouses in some new free trade zone or other.
This made my job a little difficult, as there is only so many times that you can quote someone as saying “I don’t know, it’s something the government is doing” in one book, and my interviews would often get turned around, with the people I was seeking information from instead asking me questions about what this Belt and Road thing actually was.
But by the spring of 2017 something had changed. A couple of months ago I was back in Khorgos (Horgos), the massive development area that flows over the China / Kazakhstan border, at the free trade zone called the (ICBC). It was my fourth visit to this area and my third to this project in particular, which provided me with a set of waypoints to adequately gauge its growth trajectory — the the place was little more than a Chinese junk market spewed out on the Eurasian steppes; now, it's a rollicking trading hub that is serving as a catalyst for commercial life in a previously remote region: the .
Wade Shepard
The ICBC and the other Horgos projects were literally built where there was nothing before. This place was once as remote as it gets.
But what struck me most about this recent visit wasn’t just the growing success of such an improbable project, but the fact that talk about the Belt and Road now seemed commonplace. People were mentioning it by name, with some merchants even claiming that they moved out there from places as far away as Shanghai because of it. Somewhere between my first visit there in the spring of 2015 and the spring of 2017, something happened: the cultural side of China’s Belt and Road campaign finally kicked in.
Wade Shepard
The new Chinese city of Horgos rising up on the Eurasian steppes.
According to by China’s National Language Resource Monitoring and Research Center, which shows the prevalence of word usage in Chinese media and society -- including things like and bumper stickers -- the most popular terms of 2016 were rule, small goal, change, AlphaGo, emoji package, and, yes, Belt and Road.
According to the researchers, the reason for the popularity of “Belt and Road" was due to “citizen's common aspirations for interconnectivity and win-win cooperation.”
Yeah . . .
But regardless of the reason, awareness of the Belt and Road has spread, it has now become a topic of conversation outside the walls of government agencies and university think tanks, and many in China now seem so convinced of its potential that they’re flooding into far flung places like Horgos, starting up businesses, making investments, and, essentially, making it work. The Belt and Road is starting to fulfill its own prophecies.
Hendrik_2000
Lieutenant General
Deleted
OBOR is not a simple money making business, it is a world order building project.
Being unstable is caused by being poor. Poverty is the root cause of everything. So the only solution is to get poor people richer, a better life, so they won't run around to blow themselves together with the richer people. The world has been going around like this from the beginning of time.
China was poor before 1980, and was herself poorer and chaotic(unstable) before 1949. China invested heavily to herself to address these issues since 1980. Now, OBOR is just to expand, continue that act to her neighbors and beyond.
Stopping within China (being selfish) maybe an instinct reasonable thinking, but will be foolish for the long run even for China herself because one can not keep having a rich life while surrounded by dirty poor and desperate people. As old Chinese wisdom goes, one can not fight the flood by building higher dam. Higher water, higher dam, then even higher water, where is the end?
The one core reason of the trouble that the west is facing today (the refugee crisis) is the unwillingness of the west to help other part of the world (starting from close neighbors) to become richer, more road, more hospital, more schools, more factories. That is building a dam to keep water out, eventually the dam burst in front of the rising water (the chaos in ME and North Africa).
I offer you an old Chinese saying that I think best describe my post "光脚的不怕穿鞋的", literally means "the one without shoes is fearless against the one with shoes". It means a person with nothing to loose will robe the rich with everything to gain. The solution to that is to put that person in a factory or in a farm to have a life that he/she cares NOT to loose, making him/her to be one of your own, sharing the destiny and stake with you.