The relation between China and the neighboring country

Discussion in 'Members' Club Room' started by Hendrik_2000, Jul 1, 2018.

  1. Jura
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    Aug 13, 2018
    and
    China pledges to lift ties with Malaysia to new high
    Xinhua| 2018-08-20 23:55:53 http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-08/20/c_137405373.htm

     
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  2. Hendrik_2000
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    Trump build a wall at Mexico border China open the gate to her neighbor. Whether it is for temporary worker or allowing student on the border area to go to Chinese school for FREE. In this case allowing student from Mongolia to go to Chinese school for free including room and board and incidental . A commendable policy to built good will and at the same time helping beleaguered Mongolian parents reeling from poor economy
     
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    now I read
    India offers China access to northeast in BRI strategic shift
    Updated 2018-08-30 09:58 GMT+8 https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d7a597a4e79457a6333566d54/share_p.html

     
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  4. taxiya
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    Unsurprisingly these students can only learn the Mongolian scripts in China, not in Mongolia (Cyrillic based).

    Although on the state level, Mongolia should be treated as just another country, but on the individual level, Mongolians on both sides of the boarder are brothers, Mongols and many Chinese ethnic groups in the north (Han, Manchu, Uyghurs etc.) are connected by blood over hundreds of years of intermarriage, for that sake, it only feels natural to help.
     
  5. Hendrik_2000
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    I guess this month 40 years ago they sign Japan China treaty of friendship to commemorate they send 1000 students to each other country to built trust and friendship and dispel prejudice and stereotype


    IRASSHAIMASE! IRASSHAIMASE!
    By Wei Xi Source:Global Times Published: 2018/8/30 19:43:40
    Japanese students spend month in Beijing learning about the real China
    [​IMG]
    Japanese students visit 798 Art District in Beijing. Photo: Gao Yiwen

    [​IMG]
    The students make bread at a Chinese bakery. Photo: Wei Xi/GT

    [​IMG]
    Japanese students poses with their Chinese assistants at a Chinese bread factory. Photo: Wei Xi/GT

    [​IMG]
    Shuntaro Namura takes a Chinese language class with international students of other countries. Photo: Wei Xi/GT

    [​IMG]
    Fumito Tamanato poses with a Chinese martial arts performance crew. Photo: Wei Xi/GT

    When Yuuga Utsugi first entered a Chinese store, nobody shouted 'hello!' 'good morning!' or "Irasshaimase!"

    "But in Japan a lot of people say greetings," said the Japanese young man who is a university freshman.

    The loud silence felt odd, Utsugi said.

    But he's getting used to it.

    Utsugi is just one member of a group of Bunkyo Gakuin University students participating in a one-month study tour of Beijing.

    Metropolitan interviewed students and teachers from the coeducational university located in Bunkyo, near the University of Tokyo to glean their first impressions of China. Then we chatted with assistants at Beijing Languge and Culture University about the Japanese students.

    This year marks the 40th anniversary of the establishment of a peace and friendship treaty between China and Japan.

    Although the two peoples share some obvious similarities of history and culture, war and politics have long stood as barriers between them. There are actually many more differences - big and small - than outsiders usually realize.

    Beijing's air pollution seems to trouble Utsugi, but it seems like he didn't want to be impolite.

    There was "a little" on the first day he arrived in China, Utsugi said.

    "But now I've got used to it!" he smiled.

    Chinese people are kind, Utsugi said. He knows because he often plays basketball with strangers on campus and finds it is easy to get along with them.

    "At first I thought Chinese people aren't polite," said Mayu Yoshinaga, "but Chinese are very friendly, maybe more friendly than some Japanese."

    What left the deepest impression on Yoshinaga is campus life where she made friends from different countries by communicating in English, Chinese and Korean.

    She finds Chinese the most difficult, especially the pronunciation.

    Before she came to Beijing, Yoshinaga worried about the air pollution, "but now I don't think that's a problem. The pollution isn't that serious here."

    In Japan, the news about China "often gave us a negative image," Yoshinaga said.

    Some Japanese people have a bad impression of the Chinese "because the Japanese media often say Chinese people are rude," said Fumito Tamamoto.

    Tamamoto is the only Japanese interviewee to have been to China before.

    "I have a good impression of China and Chinese people because when I went to Chengdu (Sichuan Province), Chinese people were very kind to me. It was very exciting."

    Building a connection

    The Great Wall impressed Tamamoto.

    "I wanted to go to the Great Wall to learn more about history. I like Chinese history and some video games include Chinese history," he said.

    Tamamoto said he knew many Chinese loved Japanese culture and Japanese anime.

    Anime figures like Kumamon, Crayon Shin-chan, and Chibi Maruko-chan were what came to mind first about Japan, "as well as a few brands like Uniqlo and Shiseido," said Cui Yingwei, a postgraduate student at Beijing Languge and Culture University.

    Cui worked as a study and life assistant for the Japanese visitors.

    Cui told Metropolitan she knew little about Japan or Japanese before they arrived.

    After a few weeks accompanying Japanese students, Cui noticed, "They are very polite, kind and hardworking. Every time after I tutored them or came back from off-campus tours, they expressed their gratitude."

    "They never speak loudly in public spaces."

    In Cui's considered opinion, "Japanese people care a lot about details and made-in-Japan products are practical and simple."

    Wang Yuzhou, another assistant, agreed that the Japanese "have a serious work attitude."

    "The reason why so many Chinese rushed to buy a Japanese toilet lid a while back was also due to the fact that Japanese products are very well-made," Wang said.

    It is obvious that Shuntaro Namura is not a big fan of Beijing traffic.

    "In Japan, the horn is only used in an emergency, but some Chinese people use the horn so often."

    Nana Yahagi finds the traffic tricky for a different reason.

    "The traffic jams are very heavy and the bicycle riders run too fast that I got scared."

    For her, Chinese food is "very oily, so sometimes my stomach gets tired."

    Hiromi Horage, chief of the international programs office at the university's Hongo campus, loves listening to students complaining, praising and communicating.

    The university started the project in 2002.

    "In the beginning it was only a short-term program during summer vacation, which mainly focused on Chinese-language study," Horage told Metropolitan.

    In 2013 they introduced English language classes and added a few off-campus social activities.

    The social activities included visits to Beijing landmarks, a local court hearing and visits to some State-owned Chinese companies.

    It's only a month of study, Horage said.

    "Maybe there won't be much achievement on the foreign language front, but they can learn a lot about Chinese culture, experience local life and see things not covered by the Japanese media with their own eyes. This is the major goal of this project."

    By exposing Japanese students to an alien environment, it helped them understand English better.

    "The communication with Chinese students also provides access to Chinese students' opinions on China-Japan relations and history, which cannot be learnt in textbooks," Horage said.

    Posted in: METRO BEIJING
     
  6. Hendrik_2000
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    Once a Cold War Flashpoint, a Part of Taiwan Embraces China’s Pull
    Image[​IMG]
    A woman digging for clams in Kinmen County, Taiwan, among antitank obstacles installed long ago to defend against China. The skyline of Xiamen, China, is in the distance.CreditCreditBryan Denton for The New York Times
    By Chris HortonSept. 2, 2018KINMEN COUNTY,
    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/02/world/asia/taiwan-kinmen-island-china.html?rref=collection/sectioncollection/asia&action=click&contentCollection=asia&region=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPlacement=5&pgtype=sectionfront

    Taiwan — The islands of Kinmen County, and the Nationalist troops stationed there, withstood artillery shelling from China long after the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war.

    Today, relations between China and Kinmen, just miles apart, are very different indeed.

    Kinmen, about twice the size of Manhattan, has been governed from Taiwan since the defeated Nationalists fled China for the islands in 1949. But Taiwan’s main island is 140 miles away, while China looms visibly in the near distance. That distance is narrowing — both literally and figuratively.

    A new airport for the Chinese city of Xiamen is being built just north of Kinmen, on an island three miles away, and land reclamation for that project will bring Chinese territory almost a mile closer.

    began supplying Kinmen with drinking water through a new 10-mile pipeline. And Kinmen will probably soon get cheaper electricity from its onetime enemy.

    [​IMG]
    Liu Jieyi, the director of Beijing’s Taiwan Affairs Office, used his speech at the ceremony on the island to demand that self-governing, democratic Taiwan accept the “One China” policy, which declares that Taiwan and China are part of the same country.

    “The vast populace of Taiwan will certainly make the correct choice,” Mr. Liu said.

    He almost certainly wouldn’t have made such a speech on Taiwan’s main island, where suspicion of China runs high. When Mr. Liu’s predecessor toured Taiwan in 2014, he was met with protests in multiple cities and his car was splashed with paint.

    Wang Ting-yu, a Taiwanese lawmaker with the Democratic Progressive Party, said the freedom and democracy enjoyed in Kinmen made it unlikely that its residents would want to be part of authoritarian China. But he said China’s ruling Communist Party had had some success on the island with so-called United Front tactics, under which it works with non-Communist groups to achieve its goals.

    Image
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    Water from China emptying into the Tianpu Reservior in Kinmen, by way of a pipeline that opened in August.CreditDavid Chang/EPA, via Shutterstock
    “As far as bringing Kinmen closer to China, I’d say at present it still looks doubtful,” Mr. Wang said, “but you can’t deny that the resources China has invested in United Front work in Kinmen have had a certain effect.”

    Chen Fu-hai, the magistrate of Kinmen County, who shared the stage with Mr. Liu at the pipeline ceremony, said he wasn’t concerned that the water supply would give China political leverage.

    “I think China and Taiwan should have more interaction,” he said in an interview.

    The new pipeline will provide Kinmen with 30 percent of its tap water, making up for strains on water supplies from growing Chinese tourism, environmental factors and the two sorghum liquor distilleries that provide most of the county’s tax revenue.

    On a recent hot afternoon at Kinmen’s Tianpo Reservoir, where the pipeline from China empties, Hong Yanming, a Kinmen resident, called the new water connection a “joyous occasion for both sides of the Taiwan Strait.” She was taking photos with friends and family visiting from China.

    Lesser Kinmen, was shelled sporadically by China from the 1950s through the late 1970s. It was heavily militarizedand cut off even from mainland Taiwan until 1992, when martial law on Kinmen ended — five years later than in the rest of Taiwan — and residents participated in their first local elections.

    Image
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    Tourists at a museum in Kinmen, in front of a painting that depicts a 1949 battle between Chinese Communist and Nationalist forces.CreditBryan Denton for The New York Times
    Kinmen, unlike mainland Taiwan, did not spend half a century as a Japanese colony; it was a Chinese territory for most of that time. Such stark differences in their experiences, as well as the distance between the islands, have made the relationship awkward.

    Tourists visiting Kinmen from mainland Taiwan might find it odd to hear a resident speak of “going to Taiwan” for school or work, implying that Kinmen isn’t part of Taiwan.

    Many Kinmenese say they’ve been abandoned by Taipei, Taiwan’s capital, since the arrival of democracy. Mr. Chen, an independent politician who is Kinmen’s first elected magistrate not to be a member of the Nationalists, or Kuomintang, said none of Taiwan’s elected presidents had paid enough attention to the county’s needs.

    After Kinmen’s demilitarization in 1992, he said, “we lacked water, we lacked electricity and we lacked roads — we had nothing.”

    Image
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    The Kinmen city of Jincheng. Many Kinmenese feel abandoned by the government of Taiwan, whose main island is 140 miles away.CreditCarl Court/Getty Images
    Economically, he said, Kinmen has largely had to fend for itself since then, relying primarily on sorghum liquor sales and, more recently, Chinese tourism. Ferry services to mainland China began in 2001, and Kinmen’s view of its giant neighbor has been softening since then.

    “Right now, actually, I see the mainland as also being quite democratic, at least what I’ve seen in Xiamen,” Mr. Chen said of the booming Chinese city nearby. Asked to clarify that, he said he meant that the local government departments he’d met with had been “quite open.”

    Lauren Dickey, a researcher at King’s College London who specializes in Beijing-Taiwan relations, said China’s pull on Kinmen was only natural.

    “If the local government on Kinmen is not finding the central government in Taipei to be meeting its needs, then it is perhaps only logical that the Kinmen government would reach out to the geographically closest resources to ensure needs are met,” she said.

    In the shadow of Xiamen’s urban buzz, much of Kinmen’s population has been hollowed out, with young people opting to move to the Taiwanese mainland or to China. Most of its photogenic traditional villages are only about one-third occupied, with many of the old courtyard homes in disrepair.

    Some young people who have stayed say the political climate has changed.

    Wang Ting-chi returned to Kinmen after six years in New York and founded a company, Local Methodology, to provide a nongovernmental platform for promoting Kinmen culture. She said she was concerned that Kinmenese felt like “orphans” because of the distance from Taiwan’s main island, and that they might be tempted by overtures from an increasingly powerful China.

    People who express concerns about Chinese influence, Ms. Wang said, are often dismissed as naïve. “I think Kinmen is going off on its own to establish relations with China,” she said.
     
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  7. Hendrik_2000
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    Economic corridor can help Myanmar weather challenges, build closer ties with China: analysts
    Via Taishang
    By Wang Cong Source:Global Times Published: 2018/9/12
    http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1119411.shtml
    [​IMG]

    Chinese technicians check pipes at a natural gas transmission station for the China-Myanmar pipeline in Kunming, Southwest China’s Yunnan Province in 2015. File photo: IC


    China and Myanmar are poised to step up their economic cooperation, with a slew of Chinese investments in areas from infrastructure to energy and industrial zones in Myanmar after the two countries inked a deal to build a China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) under the China-proposed
    Belt and Road (B&R) initiative.


    The deal comes at a time when Myanmar faces tremendous economic hardship at home and mounting global pressure over ethnic conflicts in the country. The CMEC offers an ideal solution for the Southeast Asian nation to weather the daunting challenges and points to the growing popularity of China's win-win, no-strings-attached cooperation model under the B&R, analysts noted on Wednesday.

    Chinese and Myanmese officials on Sunday officially signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on the joint construction of the CMEC, according to a statement from China's National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC).

    Following the signing of the MoU, Chinese and Myanmese officials, led by NDRC Vice Chairman Ning Jizhe and Myanmese Minister of Planning and Finance U Soe Win, held talks on Tuesday on the implementation of the CMEC.

    The two sides agreed to form working groups focusing on 12 different areas, including development planning, investment, transportation, energy and border economic cooperation zones, according to a statement from the NDRC.

    While details of the CMEC, including specific projects and investments, were not immediately disclosed, analysts said that the signing marks progress toward strengthened economic ties between the two neighbors.

    "By signing the MoU on the CMEC, Myanmar has fully embraced the B&R in seeking help from China to deal with its domestic economic challenges and the rising global pressure," said Zhu Zhenming, a professor at the Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences. "And this opens the door for more cooperation between China and Myanmar."

    Zhu pointed out that while the CMEC will yield long-term benefits for Myanmar, it will also ease short-term difficulties, as the country is facing growing pressure both at home and abroad.

    "Domestically, the Myanmese economy is growing very slowly because of the lack of investment. Globally, there has been talk of sanctions against Myanmar over the Rohingya issue. So more than ever, the country needs China," he said, noting that China should give Myanmar "more leeway" in cooperation deals.

    Tangible benefits

    First proposed by China during Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to Myanmar in November 2017, the CMEC aims to link Southwest China's Yunnan Province to Myanmar's Mandalay, Yangon and Kyaukphyu regions.

    Chen Fengying, a research fellow at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations in Beijing, said that following the signing of the MoU, there will be a lot of investments and projects that will bring tangible benefits for Myanmar.

    "Like many countries in Southeast Asia, Myanmar needs a lot of investment for its social and economic development. So I think the CMEC will focus on helping Myanmar in that regard," Chen told the Global Times on Wednesday.

    Energy is also a key area of cooperation between China and Myanmar. The two countries have already begun building pipelines for oil and natural gas.

    A new pipeline that would connect the current China-Myanmar pipeline to Southwest China's Sichuan Province is expected to open by the year's end, according to media reports.

    "All cooperation is based on mutually beneficial principles as China has stressed under the B&R. I think that is why Myanmar, despite the noises from the West about the B&R, chose to sign the CMEC," Zhu said.


    @aung Zaya
     
  8. Hendrik_2000
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    At this small town in Yunnan there is no wall or police or sentry. The villager can go about their business freely across the border. Myanmar children go to Chinese school and learn Chinese for free including breakfast ,book, incidental. Not only school they allow Myanmar people to work in China legally In Ruili a border town there are 50,000 Burmese
    One of the teacher said we must open the border and accommodating as well we must treat our neighbor with kindness .And not harm our neighbor to benefit ourselves. Indeed In this world of supra nationalist and blame game It is indeed rare China and Chinese everywhere can be proud of

    At the China-Myanmar border, there is village that is half-Chinese and half-Myanmar. The side on Chinese territory is called Yinjing, and the side on the Myanmar territory is called Mangxiu. Villagers in the two countries speak the same language and share the same customs. As part of its Belt and Road Initiative, China is building cross-border economic zones like this with Myanmar, Vietnam, Russia and works are also underway for one with North Korea. What is life like for foreign workers and residents living in these special zones?
     
    #38 Hendrik_2000, Sep 15, 2018
    Last edited: Sep 15, 2018
  9. Hendrik_2000
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    Over at obor thread Samurai blue think that Chinas BRI initiative face head wind citing Malaysia and Maldives Well even in Maldives China is the only game in town as India and the west is not in position to help those countries Case in point Myanmar which not too long ago the poster Child of China hater since Than Sein try to curry favor with the west by cancelling some project But fast forward Aung Sang Su Kyi reverse the trend. Well resistance is futile because the Chinese push to the south is only interrupted due to colonialism but now resume
    http://www.atimes.com/article/as-west-recoils-china-surges-south-in-myanmar/

    As West recoils, China surges south in Myanmar
    Leader Aung San Suu Kyi is paving the way for Beijing to build a long-envisioned economic corridor in Myanmar which previous military regimes resisted
    By BERTIL LINTNER CHIANG MAI, SEPTEMBER 24, 2018 6:04 PM (UTC+8)

    Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi (L) greets Chinese President Xi Jinping before a meeting at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing on August 19, 2016. Photo: AFP/Pool/Rolex Dela Pena
    A massive monument depicting four Chinese figures wheeling a large circular object, determined faces pointed directly south, stands in the Chinese border town of Jiegao opposite Muse in Myanmar.

    The Chinese language characters on the base of the monument read “Unite, Blaze Paths, Forge Ahead!” – or, in more mundane terms, “Southeast Asia, here we come!”

    Must-reads from across Asia - directly to your inbox
    While the motto would seem to speak for the ambitions of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a US$1 trillion dollar global infrastructure-spending program first articulated by President Xi Jinping in 2013, the statue at Jiegao was actually erected 20 years earlier in 1993.

    The idea of opening a trade outlet for China’s landlocked southwestern provinces through Myanmar to the Indian Ocean was first articulated by Pan Qi, a former vice minister of communications, in an article for the official weekly Beijing Review in September 1985.

    But logistics, civil war and, most importantly, military suspicion of China’s ambitions all conspired against the corridor’s realization – though border trade took off in the early 1990s, just as Western sanctions on the then military regime’s rights abuses started to pinch.

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    China’s southward-thrusting monument at Jiegao. Photo: Bertil Lintner
    That is changing now under nominal national leader Aung San Suu Kyi, notably at a time her elected government faces rising fire from Europe and America for the Rohingya crisis, a military-driven expulsion of over 700,000 refugees the United Nations suggests had “genocidal intent.”

    China has seized on Myanmar’s renewed international pariah status to push forward its corridor ambition. On September 10, the two sides signed a Memorandum of Understanding on the construction of a so-called “China-Myanmar Economic Corridor”, or CMEC,

    The CMEC is envisioned as a 1,700 kilometer-long corridor of roads and railroads connecting the Chinese city of Kunming, the capital of China’s southern Yunnan province, with three Myanmar commercial centers, namely Mandalay, Yangon and the Kyaukpyu port and economic zone that lets out on the Indian Ocean.

    It appears that China is doubling down on its push for the CMES as progress on the China-Thailand railroad that envisions connecting China with mainland Southeast Asia through Laos appears to be stalling. China has already constructed oil and gas pipelines that run the length of Myanmar into southwestern China.

    Global Times, a Chinese state mouthpiece tabloid, said after the MOU was signed that the CMEC will provide China “an alternative way to transfer oil from the Indian Ocean”, reference to Beijing’s desire to bypass the Strait of Malacca chokepoint through which 80% of its energy imports pass, and “is a further sign of Myanmar’s willingness to integrate and benefit from the BRI.”

    It is not likely the CMEC-enabling MoU was even on the Myanmar government’s agenda a couple of years ago, a time when Myanmar’s relations with the West were riding high amid optimism for the country’s move to democracy and ties with China at a countervailing low point.

    [​IMG]
    Map of proposed China-Myanmar corridor. Image: Facebook
    While Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government seems more willing to engage China’s BRI ambitions, it is still unclear how far Myanmar’s military and other political leaders are willing to play along with Beijing.

    Recent history shows at times strong military resistance to China-led projects, particularly those perceived as a threat to national sovereignty.

    In 2011, then president Thein Sein, a former military general, suspended a US$3.6 billion China-backed hydroelectric power project at Myitsone in the country’s northern Kachin state. That project was slated to export 90% of the power produced to China and threatened to significantly disrupt the flow of the nation’s main Irrawaddy River.

    More tellingly, perhaps, Thein Sein also allowed a May 2011 MoU to build a high-speed railroad from the Chinese city of Ruili, near Jiegao, to Kyaukpyu on Myanmar’s western coast to expire in 2014.

    In a sign of the changed times and shift in foreign relations under Suu Kyi, the daily Myanmar Times reported back in July this year that the railroad project that expired under Thein Sein is “quietly back on track” under Suu Kyi’s government.

    In late June, Thaung Tun, a minister in Suu Kyi’s Cabinet, led a delegation to a BRI summit in Hong Kong and was quoted by the South China Morning Post as saying that the railroad “connecting Ruili in Yunnan…with Mandalay would start quite soon” and “in all likelihood it will be extended to Yangon and Kyaukpyu.”

    [​IMG]
    Local residents’ houses in front of buildings of a Chinese oil pipeline project (pink roof) on Madae island, Kyaukpyu township, Rakhine state, Myanmar. Photo: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun
    He portrayed the railroad as a “win-win deal” that would not become a “debt trap”, as many big ticket BRI infrastructure projects in the region are now being portrayed, including in Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Laos.

    That’s not how others see it, however. In May, Sean Turnell, an Australian economist who serves as an adviser to Suu Kyi’s government, said the US$7.5 billion price tag for the deep-sea port at Kyaukpyu and the US$2.3 billion for an accompanying special economic zone as “crazy.”

    His and other criticism led to a downsizing of the project in August to a more manageable US$1.3 billion for the port. In October 2017, China’s CITIC Group and its subsidiaries had already agreed to drop its stake in the project from 85% to 70% amid Myanmar fears of becoming too dependent on its powerful northern neighbor.

    Still, the BRI writing is on the wall in Myanmar. There will be a huge deep-sea port built at Kyaukpyu – and, most likely, a high-speed railroad connecting it will Ruili in Yunnan – both with Chinese majority stakes. The exact financial terms of the projects are either still being worked out or have not yet been publicly disclosed.

    Suu Kyi’s civilian government clearly wants to show it has accelerated economic development since its election in late 2015 and before new polls are held in 2020.

    Many in Myanmar had earlier hoped that the transition to semi-democracy would spark a foreign investment-led economic boom, but that hasn’t – and now likely won’t – happen with rising Western criticism of the Rohingya crisis.

    The previous Thein Sein government, under which both the Myitsone dam and initial plan to build a China-Myanmar high-speed railroad were scrapped, was dominated by the pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the NLD’s main electoral rival at the next 2020 polls.

    The USDP’s “reform program”, under which political prisoners were released and a more open political climate replaced the old rigid dictatorship, also aimed to lessen the country’s economic dependence on China through improved relations with the West.


    It is unclear what steps the highly autonomous military might take if it feels that the NLD government is ceding too much to China, but it certainly has several leverage points to thwart any move in that direction, including a strong military presence along various sections of the proposed corridor.

    What is clear is that China is forging ahead again with its 25-year-old vision to push south, strategically at a time when Myanmar is once again estranged and isolated from the West.
     
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  10. Hendrik_2000
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    Excellent documentary on the relation between China and Myanmar. It extensive, historic and has far reaching ramification A Good documentary made by Channel A a Singapore company(part of Media corp)
     
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