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thunderchief

Senior Member
International law is a bit unclear an touchy in this kind of matter . But, if you allow US warship to stop and inspect let's say Iranian ship in international waters, then the Iran has same right towards ships of other nations .
 

thunderchief

Senior Member
They are getting desperate in their attempts to kill A-10 :confused:

Air Force: If A-10s stay, F-16s headed to the boneyard

WASHINGTON — The Air Force will send some perfectly fine fighter jets to the boneyard or delay its F-35 Lightning II rollout for a year if Congress blocks retirement of the A-10 Thunderbolt, according to a document recently provided to military oversight committees.

The tradeoffs would occur at Hill Air Force Base in Utah, due to limited number of personnel to maintain the A-10s, F-16 Fighting Falcons and the first advanced F-35 joint strike fighters slated to arrive later this year, the service told lawmakers.

The Air Force and Congress have been grappling over the future of the A-10, known as the Warthog, for the past year. Hill recently unveiled plans to mothball 18 of the aircraft. The service wants to eliminate the close-air-support aircraft to save money but the House Armed Services Committee said it will vote this week on a draft defense budget that will bar the move.

“The Air Force, if compelled to retain the A-10, does not possess a sufficient number of experienced maintainers to sustain the original Hill AFB conversion plan [to] stand up [a] new F-35 fighter squadron and then convert two F-16 units,” the service wrote to the committee in an unclassified talking paper obtained by Stars and Stripes. The undated document was recently provided to House and Senate armed service committees, congressional staff said.

The F-16s were to be relocated to other bases – Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri and Fort Wayne Air National Guard Base in Indiana – to replace A-10 units and make room for the F-35s.

Instead, the jets would be sent to the “boneyard” storage area at Davis-Monthan Air Force Base in Arizona, the service said.

If lawmakers try to block F-16s from the boneyard, the lack of qualified maintenance personnel would delay the F-35 from flying at Hill for “at least a year,” it said.

The Air Force has repeatedly asked Congress to support the A-10 retirement, which it says will save about $4.2 billion over the next four years and allow the fleet to be modernized. The A-10 has been flying since the 1970s and is now deployed in Iraq and Europe.

Lt. Col. Christopher Karns, an Air Force spokesman, said it is premature to speculate on what actions the service will take before Congress hashes out the annual defense budget.

“The Air Force has actively explored a range of options to address its maintainer shortage,” Karns wrote in an email. “An inability to divest A-10s will impact the ability to provide experienced maintainers to support the F-35 mission.”

The chairman of House Armed Services released his draft of the annual defense budget Monday and it included a measure fully funding the A-10 program, though it would allow the Air Force to mothball a maximum of 18 aircraft.

However, Rep. Martha McSally, R-Ariz., said she plans to introduce an amendment Wednesday that will prohibit any retirement of the aircraft.
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Jeff Head

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HII-to-Christen-US-Navys-New-Destroyer-DDG-113.jpg

Naval Today said:
Huntington Ingalls Industries will christen the US Navy’s future destroyer John Finn (DDG 113) on Saturday, May 2.

The christening ceremony for the company’s 29th Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyer will be held at Ingalls Shipbuilding in Pascagoula, Miss.

DDG 113 is named John Finn after the first Medal of Honor recipient of World War II. Finn received the honor for machine-gunning Japanese warplanes for over two hours during the December 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor despite being shot in the foot and shoulder and suffering numerous shrapnel wounds. He retired as a lieutenant after 30 years of service and died at age 100 in 2010.

This is the 63rd Burke AEGIS destroyer. Lots more to come.
 

Jeff Head

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Jap_US_Flag.jpg

Pacific Sentinel said:
The US and Japan announced on Monday new guidelines for bilateral defense cooperation, allowing Japan's self defense forces to take on a more ambitious global role that the Shinzo Abe administration has been seeking.

Under the new guidelines, revised for the first time since 1997, Japan will have the right to exercise collective self-defense and be able to defend other countries that may come under attack, said the US Defense Department in a news release. It also allows for increased regional and global cooperation in the US-Japanese alliance.

A joint statement of the New Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation was released after the US and Japanese foreign and defense ministers met in New York City Monday morning.
The US welcomes and supports the ongoing efforts to develop the legislation, which is to reflect Japan's policy of Proactive Contributions to Peace and its July 2014 cabinet decision, the statement said.
 
This is interesting play between Congress (who holds the purse strings) and the Executive Branch who comes up with the proposed direction on policy. This statement:



Is a clear and firm statement by the oversight committee in Congress telling the executive branch that it will not support the deactivation of any of the Ticos.

Interesting...and IMHO...good to see.

the most recent news:
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By 38 votes to 24, the House Armed Services Committee shot down a proposal to slow down its
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. Offered by the top Democrat on the seapower subcommittee, Rep. Joe Courtney, the amendment stemmed from a request by the
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. In a letter sent to Congress yesterday,
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said Congress’s plan to accelerate cruiser modernization would cost
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. “Read Adm. Greenert’s letter,” Rep. Courtney begged his colleagues:

Greenert has been in a cruiser tug-of-war with
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for years. The Navy has 22 aging Ticonderoga-class guided missile cruisers, whose
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is more powerful than the version on the newer but smaller
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.

The Navy originally wanted to scrap seven of the ships outright. When Congress rejected that, the Navy came back with a plan to keep 11 in service — one to escort each aircraft carrier in the fleet — and put the other 11 in a slow-motion modernization process, from which they would emerge as the unmodernized cruisers retired. Congress said that was too slow and legislated less year that no ship could spend more than four years in modernization, part of the so-called 2-4-6 plan. In this year’s draft bill, Forbes tightened that period to just two years, aka 2-2-6.

Greenert writes taht the accelerated 2-2-26 plan would save the Navy no money at all, compared to $300-400 million under the current 2-4-6 law and $4.5 billion under the Navy’s slo-mo mod proposal. By returning ships to service faster, it would also use up their service life sooner, with the last Ticonderoga leaving the fleet in 2035, as opposed to 2038 under the current plan and sometime in the 2040s under the Navy’s.

That all sounds nice, responded Rep. Forbes, if you believe the Navy. But the Navy has no funding set aside for modernization in its future years defense plan (FYDP), he said, which proves they aren’t serious. Modernization on the Navy’s terms is really mothballing, the seapower chairman said.

“If they were serious about this they would put the funding in the FYDP. They did not do that,” Forbes growled at the subcommittee mark-up today. “If we let those cruisers go in there for that 2-4-6 program, we’ll never see these cruisers in service again.”

“The question is whether we just let the navy run the clock out,” Forbes said. If Congress doesn’t push hard, with the force of law, ships will go into “modernization” only for the Navy to come back a few years later and say, oops, we don’t have money to do this, guess we’ll have to scrap them after all — a backdoor way of getting what the Navy originally wanted.

Forbes’ stance speaks to the
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he and many Republicans have towards this administration. The response from the committee’s ranking Democrat speaks to how deep the difference is in party perspectives. The cruiser retirement is budget-driven, said Rep. Adam Smith, and we’ll keep facing such lesser-of-two-evils choices as long as Congress fails to repeal the
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. (Playing “games” with
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doesn’t count as a sequester fix, Smith said).

“It’s early in this [markup] to start a fight, but I’ll mention the word taxes,” Smith said. “If we’re really absolutely committed to providing the national security that we need, providing the cruisers that we need, we could, God forbid, raise revenue and actually pay for it. But since we’re not doing that, the Department of Defense and in this case
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.”
source:
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Blackstone

Brigadier
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Newsweek said:
"China represents and will remain the most significant competitor to the United States for decades to come. As such, the need for a more coherent U.S. response to increasing Chinese power is long overdue.”

The words are dispassionate: “significant competitor”; not "enemy.’’ They are careful: "A more coherent response." That suggests that heretofore the U.S. response to increasing Chinese power has been at least somewhat coherent. But there should be no mistaking the significance of the above sentences. They are the first of many in a lengthy new report issued by the Council on Foreign Relations. For decades, the “council,” as the cognoscenti call it, has been the core of the American foreign policy establishment. When it comes to foreign affairs, it doesn't just regurgitate the conventional wisdom, it creates it.

Given that, the just issued report on U.S.-China relations, co-authored by Robert Blackwill, one of the most distinguished American diplomats of his generation, signifies a major shift in establishment thinking about China. And the conclusion is, as these things go, astonishing: The U.S. should place "less strategic emphasis on the goal of integrating China into the international system, and more on balancing China's rise.” Which is to say, we should basically chuck what has been U.S. policy for the past three decades, and try something that sounds almost (but not quite) like containment.

The report comes amidst whispers that senior foreign policy grandees of former administrations—both Democratic and Republican—have started to sour on hopes that Beijing could be brought without much rancor into the existing international order. They worry that President Xi Jinping is more interested in becoming No. 1, as opposed to co-existing with the U.S. at the apex of the international pecking order. It also comes amidst the Obama administration’s so-called pivot to Asia, which it goes to great lengths to insist is not about containing China. The only problem with that claim is that there isn't anybody among traditional U.S. allies in the region who believes it. And the China as rival and not “strategic partner”—which is what the Obama administration used to call it—is increasingly evident. Pushing for support for the Trans Pacific Partnership—a broad free trade deal with 12 Pacific nations—Obama recently told The Wall Street Journal that “if we don't write the rules, China will write the rules out in that region.”

As that kind of “us-or-them” rhetoric indicates, even the economic relationship between the two countries—which is its fundamental core—is under some strain. In their recently released annual survey of business conditions in China, the American chambers of commerce in both Shanghai and Beijing recently reported an uptick in the number of their members concerned about increasing regulatory and legal scrutiny from the government in Beijing.

The conventional wisdom is that the current leadership in Beijing watches all this and, unified, sets an ever more defiant course both abroad and at home. Beijing, it is said, suspects the U.S. of trying to encircle China—of trying to blunt if not reverse its rise. So it flexes its muscles in the east and south China seas, and moves to exert ever more influence to its west through massive government-led investment plans to create a new “silk road.” (On April 21, Xi was in Islamabad hawking an aid and investment deal with Pakistan with a headline number—$46 billion—that drew attention around the world.)

There is, to be sure, an element of truth in all that. But it's also more complicated. No one at any level of the Chinese leadership ever draws attention to himself by publicly questioning the party line; but there remain people in the Beijing government who can safely be called pro-Western, and who believe a strong relationship with the United States is in the country’s best interest. And they are watching, with increasing (if still muted) concern, the tide go out on what has been an era of bipartisan policy in Washington toward Beijing: one that accentuated the economic benefits to both sides in the short run, with the hope that in longer run, increasing prosperity in China would bring about some form of political liberalization.

Those days—and hopes—are gone. And the day may be drawing near when a behind-the-scenes debate breaks out in Beijing that poses a straightforward question: Who lost Washington?

In the U.S., of course, "Who lost China?" was a rancorous Cold War–era debate in the wake of the 1949 Communist takeover in Beijing. The second-guessing in China over current foreign policy will not, of course, be so public, but that doesn't mean it won't come. A scholar at a government-affiliated think tank with close ties to several senior party officials acknowledges that “there are some questions in the wind now, certainly. No one quite says, “Who lost Washington?”—we're not there yet—but people I would call “internationalists” with a pro-Western bias wonder where this is headed, and “whether we've played our hand intelligently both in terms of relations with Washington but also in our own backyard.”

Those questions have to do with the perception that Beijing over the past few years has bullied small neighbors like the Philippines and Vietnam, as well as whether it needed to pick a fight with Japan over the Senkaku Islands. (China refers to them as the Diaoyu Islands and calls them “disputed”; Tokyo denies there’s any doubt they belong to Japan.)

Beijing points out—and diplomats in Tokyo concur—that the two countries worked hard over the last year to drain some of the poison out of the islands dispute, which had alarmed Washington, and, as one former U.S. diplomat says, put the “pro-China crowd at the State Department very much on the defensive.’’ For now, the issue has receded, and foreign ministry officials in Beijing say the effort shows that the notion that “nationalistic hawks are running wild” in the Chinese capital, as the government think tank scholar puts it, is overblown.

But there’s little question that any measure of trust between Beijing and Washington has diminished; a foreign ministry official late last year told Newsweek that there is "no question" that relations between the two countries were “better when George W. Bush was president than they are today.”

The question is, to what extent does that matter to Beijing? Foreign diplomats there seem increasingly to think it’s not that big a deal to Xi & Co.; Beijing is increasingly suspicious of the U.S. as a rival in Asia and increasingly convinced that its own ascendancy is irreversible. The quest for supremacy in the Pacific, therefore, is likely to intensify.

If true, those attitudes will have consequences. There is increasing talk in Washington that the U.S. needs to reverse the shrinkage in its Navy. Most of the leading Republican presidential candidates support an increase in the number of aircraft carriers in the U.S. fleet, as well as a modernized version of the so-called Ohio class of nuclear submarines, which are slated to go out of business in just over a decade. Nor is it unthinkable that Hillary Clinton, should she be Barack Obama’s successor in less than two years, would add more military heft to the so-called pivot to Asia—particularly if U.S. policy is to “balance” China’s rise. There is also growing anger over Beijing’s purported cyber offensive against both the U.S. government and big U.S. corporations. (And let’s face it, the Fortune 500 is the core of Beijing’s constituency in the United States.)

If China, in fact, doesn’t care that it's “losing Washington,” that only makes it more likely that it will lose it. And at the moment, that appears to be the road Beijing is on.
 
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Jeff Head

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US-Forces-to-Take-Part-in-Culebra-Koa.jpg

Naval Today said:
U.S. Navy and Marine Corps expeditionary forces are scheduled to participate in exercise Culebra Koa (CK15) in the Hawaii Operating Area May 18-21, 2015.

CK15 is a U.S. Pacific Fleet training exercise designed to demonstrate and increase joint proficiency in expeditionary operations. The exercise will also serve as additional training for the USS Essex (LHD 2) Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) prior to deployment to the Western Pacific and Arabian Gulf.

U.S. Navy participants include: U.S. 3rd Fleet, Expeditionary Strike Group 3, Amphibious Squadron 3, Patrol Reconnaissance Wing 2, Naval Beach Group 1, Coastal Riverine Group 1, USS Essex (LHD 2), USS Rushmore (LSD 47), USS Anchorage (LPD 23), USS Port Royal (CG 73), USNS Montford Point (T-MLP 1), USNS Millinocket (JHSV 3), USNS Dahl (T-AKR 312).

U.S. Marine Corps participants include: U.S. Marine Corps Forces Pacific, I Marine Expeditionary Force, III Marine Expeditionary Force, 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit, 3rd Marines. Additional participants include: U.S. Army Pacific, U.S. Coast Guard District 13, and 20th Expeditionary Bomb Squadron, 506th Expeditionary Air Refueling Squadron and 25th Air Support Operations Squadron from Pacific Air Forces.

These units will employ the latest technologies and operational techniques to accomplish CK15 training objectives by demonstrating sea-based rapid build-up of combat power ashore using Maritime Prepositioning Force and Military Sealift Command assets.

Exercises like CK15 provide realistic, relevant training necessary for an effective global Navy and Marine Corps.
 

thunderchief

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What this basically means is stronger USN and USAF and weaker US Army and US Marine Corps . When you think of it, current drive to retire A-10 is part of that plan . In the years after invasion of Iraq and intervention in Afghanistan ground forces did receive lot of attention , and lot of new equipment designed specially to battle insurgents ( almost $50 billion spent on MRAP vehicles alone ). Now, again, pendulum swings back in opposite direction with research of M1A3 pushed back after 2020 and Future Combat Systems Manned Ground Vehicles cancelled .
 

Jeff Head

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Blue-Ridge-LCC19-02.jpg
Naval Today said:
U.S. 7th Fleet flagship USS Blue Ridge (LCC 19) and embarked staff arrived in Singapore, April 30, to emphasize the U.S. Navy’s commitment to building and strengthening relationship’s in the Indo-Asia Pacific region.

The Blue Ridge team consists of more than 900 crew members including embarked 7th Fleet staff, the “Golden Falcons” of Helicopter Sea Combat Squadron 12 and Marines from Fleet Antiterrorism Security Team Pacific.

Blue Ridge has been forward deployed to the Yokosuka, Japan region for 35 years and is currently on patrol, strengthening and fostering relationships within the Indo-Asia Pacific Region.

These are important ships for the US Navy. They have one for the Pacific 7th Fleet (this one, the Blue Ridge), and one for the Atlantic 6th Fleet, the USS Mount Whitney, LCC-20.

They are purpose built command ships and were originally designed in the 1960s specifically to command very large Amphibious Assault task forces.

However, with the advent of the Tarawa, and then Wasp large Amphibious assault vessels with very extensive command spaces themselves, these ships were purposed towards being overall fleet flagships. They now serve as floating headquarters ships for all of the various combatant commands that make up those fleets.

To do this, they have all the communications and sensor equipment necessary to provide command, control, communications, computers, and intelligence (C4I) support to the fleet command staff in real time.

They are large vessels, displacing right at 20,000 tons and being 635 feet long with a 108 foot beam. They have a crew of 52 officers and 790 enlisted personnel, but also include a command staff of almost 200 officers and another 120 enlisted personnel.

They have a range of 10,000 miles and can cruise at 23 knots.

They are fairly well armed for defensive purposes with the following:

2 × Mk-15
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guns
2 × Mk-38 Mod 2 25 mm
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cannons
8 × .50 cal. Machine gun mounts
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launchers

The carry two helicopters, generally Seahawks, but have no hanger.

The Blue Ridge has the distinction of being the longest forward deployed vessel in US history, having been forward deployed to Japan for 35 years.

She was launched in 1969 and is expected to serve in the Pacific until 2039.

Here's another pic of the Blue Ridge, clearly showing those two Phalanx (with a nice view of Mount Fuji in the background):


Blue-Ridge-LCC19-01.jpg
 
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