As funny as Trump's antics have been, I'm going to sober up a bit.
Lately, there have been an increasing number of renowned historians speaking up about Trump, most of whom have been flying under the radar. This list is sizable, and includes Robert Paxton, perhaps one of the greatest living historians of fascism; it includes Timothy Snyder, a leading historian of Eastern European history and the Holocaust; and Jason Stanley, an expert on fascist propaganda.
The verdict is clear among all of them:
the MAGA movement is a fascist movement, not just a populist movement.
In fact, I find it especially telling that, during Trump's first administration, Paxton - ever a cautious academic - refrained from classifying Trump as a fascist and instead argued he was "just" a right-wing populist - one that we should watch out for, sure, but not literally Hitler or Mussolini.
More recently, however, Paxton has walked back on that statement. In his most recent interview in November 2024, he was asked whether he stood by his 2021 statement that MAGA is fascism, to which he replied:
"It’s bubbling up from below in very worrisome ways, and that’s very much like the original fascisms,” Paxton said. “It’s the real thing. It really is.”
Focusing on leaders, Paxton has long held, is a distraction when trying to understand fascism. “What you ought to be studying is the milieu out of which they grew,” Paxton said. For fascism to take root, there needs to be “an opening in the political system, which is the loss of traction by the traditional parties” he said. “There needs to be a real breakdown.”
Like Paxton, I think focusing on Trump misses the forest for the trees. To the degree that Trump is a fascist, he is a bad one, because fascism is fundamentally rooted in resentment, anger, and discontent. Trump was born with a silver spoon in his mouth; he's no Hitler or Mussolini, both of whom - importantly - belonged to the lower middle classes and struggled with unemployment and financial failure until they found a way out through military service and political activism.
In short, they were "have nots" or to put it plainly, they were losers, and as losers, they were naturally attracted to narratives that excused their failures on larger forces (liberalism, the Jews, minorities, etc.). Indeed, what made them such effective and fervent fascists was precisely this background, which allowed them to truly understand, empathize with, and rally larger streams of societal resentment and discontent in bad times, and to forge that into a force for revolution.
Today, the conditions for fascism in America are ripe - there is most assuredly a powerful under current of societal resentment, anger, and discontent within the US, which ten years ago manifested itself as "right wing populism" (Tea Party, etc.) but, as nothing has improved in the decade since, is today transforming into full-blown fascism. Concepts that were once taboo - Hitler salutes, white nationalism, deporting citizens, dissolving liberal institutions, crushing dissent, and out right authoritarianism - are now in the public spot light. And as much as liberals and Democrats cry about them, they are not disappearing, not suppressed. Fascism has, in other words, been "normalized."
The role Trump has played in this transformation of the US body politic is, I think, as a fascist
sympathizer and
enabler. That is to say, I don't ultimately think Trump is a
fascist revolutionary in the sense that Hitler or Mussolini was. Despite having a great deal of charisma, he's not the type to go and rally grass roots support on the streets - he's too wealthy, too privileged, too soft to do that. And in that sense, we might even be fortunate, because if it was not Trump that captured the imagination of America, but someone like Stephen Miller or JD Vance - two people who
do fit the bill of coming from troubled, social agitator backgrounds - things could be so much worse.
Yet that doesn't mean we should be deluded into thinking that Trump is just another clown of an US president, whose lasting legacy will be no more than to preside over the fall of the American empire. That may all come to pass, but the transition is extremely dangerous. As Paxton warned, where Hitler and Mussolini's rises to power were merely favored by social conditions and they just happened to roll the right dice, Trump's rise to power has a feeling of inevitability about it. The conditions for fascism to emerge as a movement within the US is strong, and if Trump is not exactly the best leader to channel it, some one else
will.
I hate to say this, but the impression I get is that Trump is merely the prelude to something much worse. He has
enabled the rise of fascism in America (because he deeply sympathizes with it), but it is ultimately not his movement to lead.
There will be an American Hitler. But it probably won't be Trump. Someone like JD Vance or Stephen Miller or one of Trump's many other fascist advisors, taking advantage of a political crisis (e.g. a Trump assassination or a depression caused by the trade war against China), is far more likely to bring about the genuine Fourth Reich.
And when that moment comes, the world needs to be ready.