South East Asia Military News, Reports, Data, etc.

INDONESIA AND TURKEY TO COLLABORATE ON DEVELOPING DRONES



PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PTDI) announced that it will collaborate with Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) to develop new unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) capable of flying as high as 40,000 ft.

“TAI has lengthy experience in building high-altitude UAVs. So we will collaborate with them in the project,” said PTDI’s President Director Elfien Goentoro (via a news report by ).

TAI’s lone operational drone is the Anka. The Anka is a medium-altitude long-endurance (MALE) UAV that is capable of flying up to an altitude of 30,000 ft and endurance of 24 hours. It has a payload of 200 kg for guided air-to-surface munitions and electro-optical equipment.

TAI pitched its Anka MALE UAV to the Southeast Asian market, including Indonesia. TAI General Manager Temel Kotil told Turkish media that TAI spoke to Indonesian officials during the 2017 Defence and Security defence exhibition in Bangkok, Thailand in November 2017.

In July 2017, PTDI and TAI a “Framework Agreement” to increase bilateral collaboration. Under the agreement, TAI agreed to provide technical and marketing/business support to PTDI for the latter’s N219 utility aircraft and N245 commuter aircraft.

PTDI’s production director Arie Wibowo lauded the collaboration agreement with TAI, stating that TAI was eager to partner with PTDI and facilitate technology transfers to PTDI, in contrast to other competing firms which could not commit to transfer-of-technology.

PTDI officials added that the company’s MALE UAV program will be completed within three years and it – like the Anka – will be armed. PTDI also of TAI’s experience in supplying composite airframe or aerostructure parts for Airbus.

PTDI is Indonesia’s core aviation manufacturing and services supplier. Known for its partnership with CASA (now under Airbus Defence & Space) to jointly develop and produce the CN235 transport aircraft, PTDI is a contributor to several overseas supply channels, including that of Airbus Helicopters. It also provides the Indonesian armed forces with aircraft maintenance and overhauling support.

INDONESIA REPORTEDLY LOOKING FOR ADDITIONAL FIGHTERS



During U.S. Secretary of Defence James Mattis’ official visit to Indonesia on January 23, news reports have emerged of Jakarta defining a new multi-role fighter requirement for the (Tentara Nasional Indonesia-Angkatan Udara: TNI-AU). This could amount to a multi-billion-dollar bid.

According to , U.S. officials had revealed that Indonesia requested pricing information for 48 new Lockheed Martin F-16s, a deal that could potentially reach $4.5 billion U.S. (alluding to a possible purchase of new-built F-16Vs instead of additional surplus F-16s).

However, Indonesian officials reportedly stated that plans were tentative, with the TNI-AU’s requirement still being defined. The TNI-AU operates 24 F-16C/D Block-25s. These were surplus aircraft acquired from the U.S. under the Excess Defence Articles (EDA) program for $750 million.

In November 2017, Indonesia announced that it will sign a contract for 11 Sukhoi Su-35 Flanker-E fighters from Russia’s United Aircraft Corporation (UAC) for $1.14 billion. Russia will procure $570 million in goods from Indonesia under the deal, along with another $400 million in offsets to Indonesia.

The mainstay of the TNI-AU’s fighter fleet comprises of Su-27, Su-30 and F-16 Block-25s. It is unclear if this new fighter purchase would supplant any of the aforementioned TNI-AU fighters.

Besides new combat aircraft, the TNI-AU is also eager to improve its logistics and auxiliary capabilities. In March 2017, Indonesia signed a letter-of-intent (LOI) to procure potentially four A400M Atlas transport aircraft from Airbus Defence & Space (Airbus DS).

The news of a prospective fighter program/sale comes amid Washington’s efforts to reinforce relations in Southeast Asia, including Indonesia. Mattis’ visit is particularly important today considering that in 2017, Indonesia decided to rename its exclusive economic zone (EEZ) north of the Natuna Islands as the ‘North Natuna Sea’ (it was previously part of the South China Sea). During his visit, Mattis acknowledged Jakarta’s move, stating, “We can help maintain maritime domain awareness in the South China Sea, the North Natuna Sea. This is something that we look forward to doing.”

UKRAINE OPENS MI-8/MI-17 REPAIR CENTRE IN BANGLADESH



Ukraine’s state-owned concern UkrOboronProm announced that one of its export companies, Ukrinmash, opened a service centre for repairing Mil Mi-8 and Mi-17 transport helicopters in Bangladesh.

In a dated for 31 January 2018, UkrOboronProm states that the service centre was formally opened on 25 January. The facility was commissioned by the Bangladesh Air Force (BAF).

Previously, the BAF had its Mi-8/Mi-17 helicopters serviced by the Ukrainian maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) company Aviakon. In 2013-2014, Bangladeshi personnel had visited Aviakon to study the MRO process, specifically “repairing units and aggregates of the aviation equipment.”

UkrOboronProm states that Bangladesh received a full-fledged MRO facility, which will allow the BAF to undertake “routine repair, as well as deep refurbishment and modernization of fuselage of Mi-8/Mi-1 helicopters.” However, Aviakon personnel will be ‘permanently’ stationed at the Bangladesh site.

According to Flight Global’s 2017 World Air Forces record, the BAF operates 33 Mi-17 and Mi-171s along with four additional aircraft on order. UkrOboronProm is eager to expand its MRO activities in Bangladesh, with the BAF’s transport and combat aircraft as potential commercial targets.

Notes & Comments:

To support the Mi-8/17 MRO centre’s activities, new parts and engines will be sought. This would serve as a long-term market for Ukrainian companies involved the manufacturing of these inputs, such as Motor Sich, which manufactures the Klimov TV3-117 and VK2500-series turboshaft engines that power the Mil-8/17/171 helicopters.

This would push Ukraine in direct competition with Russia, which also supports those helicopters. In fact, Ukrinmash CEO Sergii Sliusarenko also accused its Russian competitors of foul-play in third-party bids that involve Soviet-era equipment, stating Russia “has been resorting to tactics of, for instance, bombarding potential customers with letters demanding to exclude Ukrainian enterprises from tenders.”

Sliusarenko argued that Ukraine ought to counter Russian efforts comprehensively, using diplomacy, economic leverage and military-to-military relations to fulfill Ukrainian commercial interests.

Philippines Signs $233 Million Helicopter Deal With Canada to Fight Rebels....




"The Philippines signed a deal with Canada on Tuesday to buy 16 combat utility helicopters worth $233.36 million, as the military prepared to step up operations against Islamist and communist rebels.

The Bell 412EPI helicopters will be delivered early next year as President Rodrigo Duterte re-focuses the armed forces modernization program to tackle growing domestic threats as Maoist fighters and pro-Islamic State extremists try to regroup.

The helicopters would replace the second-hand Vietnam War-era UH-1H Huey rotary aircraft, the workhorse of the Philippine Air Force. The Philippines acquired those from the United States."

Defence Secretary Delfin Lorenzana signed the negotiated government contract with the Canadian Commercial Corporation, which was licensed to sell the American military aircraft.

It was the second time the Philippines has acquired Bell helicopters. In 2014, it bought eight lower variant of the aircraft for 4.8 billion pesos.

The Philippines is spending 125 billion pesos for the next five years to modernize its armed forces, but putting priority on equipment and armaments for internal security operations to defeat domestic threats as well protect its maritime borders.

It is also acquiring three frigates from South Korea, air defense radars from Israel, armored vehicles, a long-range patrol aircraft and assault rifles and grenade launchers from Russia.

Reference

Contested skies: BAF’s uncertain future
In recent times, regional harmony is distressed, and disruption rules. At times, defense capability dominates; at other times, offensive capability dominates. This is noticeably the case in today’s arcane world of air warfare.

While much investment has gone into the improvement of infrastructure, education, health care, and so forth, the defense capability and air superiority stay behind — as more powerful regional air force emerges as the technologically advanced air force, the operational environment is not standing still. The dynamics of air warfare change more quickly than the acquisition of new fighter jets in an air force.

The contested skies

The skies of South Asia and South-East Asia are increasingly contested by superior fighter jets of these regions supplied by China, Russia, the US, and the EU.

Emerging threats are making airborne tanker, airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft, and even civilian aircraft more vulnerable — and, the emergence of advanced anti-stealth surface-to-air missiles, stealth-fighter jet technology, long-range cruise missiles, ballistic missiles, and even hobbyist drones are proliferating everywhere in the world.

The game changer

The recent acquisition of plus fourth generation JF-17 block II and Su-30SME (Standardized, Modernized, Export) fighter jets by neighbouring Myanmar poses a severe threat to Bangladesh’s national security.

The government of Bangladesh needs significant investment in air superiority capabilities, which would be a good starting point for Bangladesh Air Force to discuss the strategic impacts of known, and emerging changes in the air superiority operational environment in this region.

The procurement of Su-30 is the beginning of new era in Myanmar Air Force. The Chinese-made J-31 and the Russian Su-57 will dominate the Asian market in the near future — they were even sold to Myanmar Air Force.

The vulnerable BAF

The vulnerabilities in BAF will cost the nation dearly, unless we train pilots and introduce fifth-generation fighter jets soon.

It is evident that the BAF lacks air-superiority and ground attack capability. The alarming concern of Bangladesh is that the Bangladesh military, especially BAF, does not have an area denial strategy at all.

Commitment to national security

Bangladesh Air Force needs to create a plan that enables them to continually acquire new fighter jets in small batches, so that in the next 20-30 years, BAF can maintain its air capabilities.
BAF was so inactive in the past 20 years that Bangladesh government is financially stretched out at the moment to procure a large number of fighter jets.
It is beyond belief that BAF cannot carefully craft a tender and create a challenging environment for vendors and suppliers so that Bangladesh can take advantage of the competition.
Bangladesh has to commit herself to national security — otherwise, Bangladesh might face serious conflict in the future as enemies can take full advantages of her weak military capacity.

Area denial approach

The development of an integrated air defense system covering vast areas are expensive, but at times like this, most countries have no choice but to endure the cost and establish an area denial strategy to deny airspace to the adversary.

The area denial approach implies a reduced dependency on the air force, perhaps lessening Bangladesh’s burdens — while the rebuilding of strike capability slowly implies continuing to share the burden with the army and navy in major “must-win” wars past 2030.

Engaging in Russian roulette

BAF must learn the lesson dealing with an untrustworthy partner like the Russian Rosoboronexport, which desperately tried to dump MiG-35 fighter jet on Bangladesh through the manipulation of the cost of fighter jets in each segment of RFP to the recent MRCA tender.
The business strategy of the Rosoboronexport is simple, to place the prospective buyer in a contested situation where Rosoboronexport can fully exploit the buyer to rip them off financially and technologically.

Dragging the feet too long

BAF is dragging its feet for too long to make up their mind — while the skies become heavily contested. BAF needs to be restructured, and needs to carefully plan and develop practical strategic options to address this situation. No one else is going to rescue Bangladesh, not the People’s Republic of China, nor the OIC.

“Friendship to all and malice to none” foreign policy does not apply to those who violate Bangladesh’s sovereignty. Bangladesh has placed itself in this situation, and they have to save themselves.
The truth of the matter is that the EU and the US have some consistency in their business strategies, not like the Russian roulette-style business strategy.
The Obama administration would not have withdrawn Bangladesh’s GSP status if the Bangladeshi government openly cooperated with the international community and accepted support from the US and the EU, when Rana Plaza collapsed.

The Western countries are the most significant export destination of Bangladeshi goods and services. Bangladesh’s export destination will not change — regardless of who is ruling those countries and the policies being made in those countries do not directly affect the national security of Bangladesh.
Although the Chinese manufacturers are the most significant defense supplier of Bangladesh military, the Italian, Spanish, American, British, and German suppliers remain pivotal to the Bangladeshi military’s operational capabilities.

Peace is by choice. However, the battle is inflicted on Bangladesh by the neighbouring Myanmar.
Bangladesh is heading towards a conflict with Myanmar, whether Bangladeshis admit it or not. Bangladeshi land, air, and sea are already contested by the neighbouring countries.
It would be foolish not to admit the current situation and counter the future threats. If Bangladesh does not adapt quickly and establish deterrence capabilities, then, soon, there will be millions of Rakhine, Karen, Kachin, and Shan ethnic minorities in Bangladesh.

Making a clear choice

The current options of Bangladesh are to modify defense procurement plans. That may worry some, but strategic ends cannot be determined independently of the capability means. The two are interdependent.
It makes sense to discuss alternative ways to exit from the current situation that might reasonably bring strategic ends to the traditional security posture. The alignment of the defense strategy is crucial right now to avoid conflict in the near future.
Even if the cost of acquisition of fighter jets is billions of dollars right now, it will maintain GDP growth of Bangladesh above 7%, keeping the current trajectory — but any conflict with Myanmar will lead to a nosedive of GDP growth and a economic disaster for future generations.
Any conflict with Myanmar will ruin the vision of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, which is for us to become a middle income economy by 2021. The point being made here is that spending a few billion dollars to maintain peace and deterrence is worthwhile, and it will avoid conflicts.

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Conitnue (2/2) Reference

Bangladesh has three options. It is up to Bangladesh to choose one and carefully implement that option.

Join the Chinese domain

This “back to the future” approach implies abandoning the current policy as China rises and its sphere of influence expands to Southeast Asia and across the globe. Strategically, this alters Bangladesh from the long-term foreign policy “friendship with all and malice to none.”

While Bangladesh could contribute by providing a safe base area to the Chinese navy in any conflict, in which the skies over the Bay of Bengal were seriously contested, this level of involvement would give Bangladesh much influence on overall allied strategy and over-supplies of Chinese military hardware to Myanmar.

Significant changes to goal 2030

Currently, Bangladesh Air Force is facing doom.

What we can do is enhance current operational plans and future equipment programs, which means lowering other national projects to fund the defense of Bangladesh. Bangladesh goes to “air defense heavy” and acquires fewer fighter squadrons.

This option changes Bangladesh’s current capability development plans to stress air defense. A start would include acquiring significant numbers of advanced surface-to-air missiles like HQ-16A or CAMM-ER and FD-2000 or Aster 30, and sensors for integrated air and missile defense, changing fourth-generation plus fighter jet upgrade plans, and focusing on making airbases and national infrastructure more resilient.

Strategically, the “air defense heavy” approach would allow Bangladesh to remain deeply engaged in Southeast Asia and make a meaningful, perhaps decisive contribution in times of serious conflict.

Because this approach is less reliant on external support, it would allow Bangladesh to mount independent operations in an area critical to Bangladesh’s sovereignty.

Rebuilding strike capability

This option entails adjusting the current defense posture to focus on reconfiguring Bangladesh’s strike capability combining a fourth and a fifth-generation fighter jet to be efficient in contested airspace beyond 2030.

Bangladesh also lowers the cost of integrated air and missile defense. This applies to all of the elements that comprise the strike capabilities, not just the fourth and fifth generation fighter jets.

If Bangladesh wants to maintain a good strike capability in the future, Bangladesh needs to take positive steps to do so.

Air superiority may seem expensive, but it can have a significant impact on the range of strategies that can realistically be considered.

To maintain peace and GDP growth of Bangladesh, it is time for a big air-superiority rethink.

Raihan Al-Beruni is a contractor and analyst for a global defense and security supplier based in Australia.

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INDONESIA HAS NOT YET INKED SU-35 CONTRACT....

Mikhail Petukhov, Deputy Director of the Federal Service for Miltiary-Technical Cooperation (FSMTC) said that contract negotiations between Russia and Indonesia for the sale of 11 Sukhoi Su-35 Flanker-E multi-role fighters to the latter are still ongoing.

Speaking to the Russian news agency , Petukhov outlined that Russia had fulfilled Jakarta’s regulatory requirements (such as offset expectations), and that the two sides were now “determined to successfully conclude the negotiations.”

reports that the main issue stalling a contract signature is a dispute over the commodities the Indonesian side is offering to Rostec, which had agreed to purchase $570 million U.S. in Indonesian goods.

Under the , Rostec – a state-owned Russian company overseeing Russia’s state-owned defence vendors – is to purchase $570 million in Indonesian commodities, such as rubber, while also investing $400 million in Indonesia’s aircraft maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) industry.

On the surface, the major ‘sell’ of the Su-35 for Indonesia was the potential of incurring a net-foreign or hard-currency outflow of $175 million, with $970 million ‘returning’ to Indonesia through activity for its commodities industry and aircraft MRO base.

The Su-35 was sought to supplant the Indonesian Air Force’s (Tentara Nasional Indonesia-Angkatan Udara: TNI-AU) aging fleet of Northrop F-5E Tiger II fighters. The Su-35 is a twin-engine long-range fighter with a payload capacity of 8,000 kg across 12 external hardpoints.

In addition to the Su-35, the TNI-AU has reportedly been setting a for several new multi-role fighter squadrons. To augment its fighter fleet, the TNI-AU is also exploring options for new in-flight refueling tankers, airborne early warning and control aircraft and transport aircraft.

In January 2018, PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PTDI) signed an agreement with Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) to jointly-develop unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV). However, as a stopgap to an indigenous platform, PTDI is proposing a UAV based on the to the Indonesian armed forces.

CHINA’S CSSC LAUNCHES C-13B CORVETTE FOR BANGLADESH



Chinese media (via ) report that the China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC) launched the third Shadhinota-class C13B corvette for the Bangladesh Navy on 12 February 2018.

The Bangladesh Navy of its first two C13B corvettes in 2015 – i.e. the BNS Shadhinota (F11) and BNS Prottoy (F112). These are each equipped with four (2×2) C-802 anti-ship missiles, one FL-3000N point-defence missile system and one 76 mm main gun.

Although based on the same ship design, the third C13B appears to be equipped with a phased-array radar, potentially the SR2410C radar. This is an upgrade to the older mechanically-steered air and sea-search radars that equipped Bangladesh’s earlier vessels.

The SR2410C is a 3D S-band radar designed as an analogous counterpart to the Thales SMART-S Mk2, thus providing long-range air and surface surveillance coverage and the ability to guide missiles. The SR2410C has a range of 150+ km along with the capability to track up to 150 targets per rotation.

It also appears that the Bangladesh Navy has equipped one of its frigates, the BNS Abu Bakr (Type 053H2), with a phased-array radar. The specific radar model has not been confirmed.

Derived from the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) Type 056 corvette, the C13B is an export-oriented design capable of taking on multiple roles, such as anti-ship warfare, sea-lines-of-communication and exclusive economic zone patrol and anti-submarine warfare.

BAE OFFERS CREDIT FOR MALAYSIAN FIGHTER BID



reports that BAE Systems reiterated its willingness to facilitate a UK-based line-of-credit to back a sale of Eurofighter Typhoon fighters to Malaysia. The Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF) 18 next-generation fighters to replace its legacy MiG-29s since at least 2017.

“We have an offer on the table…It’s competitively priced and we have offered UK government financing so the Malaysian government can spread the payment over a longer period,” said Alan Garwood, BAE’s Group Business Development Director.

It is unclear when Kuala Lumpur intends to pursue a contract in earnest, though the Typhoon remains as one of several contenders for the prospective contract.

Like BAE Systems, the Swedish defence giant Saab had also expressed its interest in backing a prospective Gripen sale with credit. In 2015, Sweden a loan of 39.88 billion SEK (i.e. $5 billion US today) to back the sale of 36 Saab Gripen E/F to Brazil. The loan is to be repaid over 25 years.

In December 2017, Qatar signed on as the newest customer of the Typhoon with an order for 24 Tranche 3. Qatar’s order guarantees production work for BAE in the 2020s, with a potential Malaysian order clearly extending that scope well into the long-term. Likewise, the other Eurofighter Consortium members – i.e. Airbus Defence & Space (in Germany and Spain) and Leonardo – will also benefit from those orders.

Besides Malaysia, BAE Systems may also have an opportunity in Indonesia, which is reportedly forming a new fighter requirement amounting to several squadrons. Interestingly, Jakarta has yet to ink the contract for 11 Sukhoi Su-35 Flanker-Es from Russia’s United Aircraft Corporation, leaving an opening – albeit small – for a procurement review and renewed opportunity for the F-5 Tiger II replacement program.

However, Southeast Asia is also among the US’ key defence markets, with Boeing and Lockheed Martin both maintaining key long-term contracts in the region. In particular, Boeing is hopeful of expanding upon its F/A-18 Hornet program with the RMAF to the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet.