China's SCS Strategy Thread

Hendrik_2000

Lieutenant General
Henri K take on this undersea surveillance system. According to him they have been working on it for more than 10 years
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According to
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, China has approved a project of 2 billion Yuan (~ € 274 million) to build a scientific observation and monitoring network Underwater National.

This network, part of the national program of major technological infrastructures, will initially establish a sub-network in the East China Sea on the east coast of China and another sub-network in the South China Sea. The construction should finish within 5 years.

The official communiqué indicates that the underwater surveillance network will enable the country to have a permanent observation platform on the ocean and the climatic evolution of the world.

A monitoring and data center will be established in Lingang, near the city of Shanghai. It will be used to harvest in real time and process the data transmitted, which will, according to the text, respond to a wide range of needs in the fields of Integrated Marine Environment Monitoring, Natural Disaster Prevention and Defense And national security.

And as one would expect, the approval of this project of underwater surveillance network by the National Commission for Development and Reform, an organization attached to the Council of State affairs, aroused much speculation "Fantasmatic" in the media - Some very sensational titles like "the nightmare of the American and Japanese submarines", "the great underwater wall" ... can be read.

What is it really? Is there a military listening network? What exactly is known about this project?

Compared to other western countries, which already had several underwater surveillance networks such as GEOSTAR, EMSO, ESONET and
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in Europe, and MARS and NEPTUNE in the United States and Canada, Structured observation of the ocean.

It was in 2007, 10 years ago, that the preliminary project "Experimental Technologies of the Network for the Permanent Observing of the Seabed" was finally integrated into Program 863, a national program launched in 1986 with the aim of To finance innovative projects and to increase the competitiveness of the country. At the time it was not
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by everyone,
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. But
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(周怀阳) of Tongji University, technical manager of this pre-study project at the time, believed in his potential.

After several tests with artificial basins,
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, in the Zhoushan
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. This first-ever Chinese submarine network, co-developed by five Chinese universities, including Tongji University, consists of a scientific measurement node and a ground control station connected by electro-optical cables that measure 1.1 km.

This scientific node includes Conductivity Temperature Depth (CTD), ADVP (Acoustic Doppler Current Profiler), ADV (Acoustic Doppler Velocimeter) and OBS (Optical Backscatter Point Sensor) for example. And the same node was sent to the United States in 2011, and successfully tested on the US MARS network for 6 months, 900 meters deep.

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A seabed module co-developed by Tongji University (Photo: Tongji University)

It is this first network of experimental observation that will become the prototype of the national network approved by the Chinese government this year, and things will take a decisive turn and accelerate in 2012.

Indeed, in
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,
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by the State Council of China, the "National Underwater Surveillance Network" is not only one of the 16 priority projects of the plan but Also takes the lead of the list of it. Since then, several research institutes in different fields have been assigned to the project, including
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, which together with Tongji University will now co-pilot the deployment of the network in the China Sea Eastern and southern China Sea.

This network of underwater surveillance is therefore a priori scientific use, but as Professor ZHOU, now the technical manager of the official project, underlines, can have a "peripheral" contribution to the defense and security of the country.

This point can also be seen in the number of research papers published over the past 20 years on this type of underwater observation network, only 7 from the Chinese naval entities.

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The number of university papers on underwater network since 1989

From a technological point of view too, at least on the part accessible to the public, one does not notice a concentration of acoustic sensors or variation of magnetic field which could lead to believe a military oriented network.

Of course, in a global strategy of the Chinese government that wants to rely more on civilian entities for the development of civil-military technologies, the ocean data collected can also be used for military purposes, for submarine mapping ( Not necessarily geographical) for example, even if this is not the primary objective.

And it is probably to take into account this civil-military integration that the choice of general architecture of the Chinese network has tended towards that of the cable network, not modules not physically connected to the ground.

In fact, part of the oceanic data does not need to be recovered in real time if the use is limited to scientific research, therefore some purely civil networks, such as MEUST (Mediterranean Eurocentre for Underwater Sciences and Technologies), driven by two institutes of the CNRS, have opted (at least partially) for the solution of isolated modules where certain data are sent or recovered only periodically. This makes it possible to considerably reduce the cost of implementation compared to a wired network.

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The components of the Chinese underwater surveillance network

For the moment the Chinese have very little communication about the exact location where they plan to deploy their first two underwater surveillance networks.

It is only known that for that in the East China Sea, it will be a priori installed 20 km from the shores of Shanghai, thus within the territorial waters.

Four large submarine connectors (CTAs), each managing several Scientific Instruments Interface Module (SIIM) modules within a radius of a few tens of kilometers on the seabed, will be connected to the Lingang processing center with electro-optical cables .

Drones, such as submarine gliders, ROVs and AUVs, will also be part of the system.

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The location of the 4 submarine connectors of the surveillance network in the East China Sea.


As for the South China Sea, no information has been revealed today, but it is possible that it is deployed off the island of Hainan, before extending perhaps further.

China's ambition will probably not be limited to neighboring maritime areas. Indeed, in an article published on the SOA (State Oceanic Administation) Weixin in March this year, we learn that the national underwater surveillance network is not the only one envisaged by the country.

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that will cover the coastal regions
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that are among those considered by the "Silk Sea Route" strategy as well as the two poles. For this, China intends to participate "actively" in international programs.

The objective, quoted an SOA official and quoted by the article, is to build a global network of ocean monitoring, with a particular focus on China's maritime areas and also some "targeted" areas.

To be continued.

Henri K.
 

davidau

Senior Member
Registered Member
YJ 62 guarding the SCS islands and the mainland coastline..

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the naval coastal defence force, equipped with anti-ship missiles, stationing at various strategic points at SCS and along mainland coastline..
cop this...
 

weig2000

Captain
It's time again for the annual brouhaha in Singapore...

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30 May 2017

Author: Hugh White, ANU

Each year, the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore provides a platform for Washington to affirm the United States’ strategic commitment to Asia, strengthen US regional leadership and push back against China’s encroachments. And it gives US friends and allies in Asia an opportunity to line up in support.

RTX37VZM-400x267.jpg


This year, that won’t be so easy. As usual, the US Secretary of Defence will deliver a major speech when the meeting convenes at the start of June. But it is far from clear what James Mattis will have to say. The new administration does not yet have any clear policy lines on Asia, nor has it appointed or even nominated any of the senior officials who would be responsible for framing such a policy.

The Obama-era ‘pivot to Asia’ slogan is dead, but something bigger is happening than just a change in terminology. Despite tough talk during last year’s election campaign, and some notably anti-Chinese appointees in the White House, Trump seems to have no appetite for confronting China. He has
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from threats of a trade war, and is seeking cooperation with Beijing over problems like North Korea.

The issue to watch at this year’s meeting is the
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. China’s conduct there was the central focus last year. Washington urged Asian countries to stand up to Beijing, and promised robust US support. But that has all fallen rather flat since then. China has ignored the Law of the Sea Arbitral Tribunal’s adverse findings, the United States has failed to follow through with robust freedom of navigation operations, and ASEAN countries have each performed pivots of their own — towards China.

Trump’s team had seemed prepared to quietly let the issue drop. Washington reportedly refused to authorise further
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, until last week’s USN transit near Mischief Reef, which was handled in a notably low key manner. Under Trump criticisms of China’s position on the South China Sea have been largely absent from official statements as the focus has shifted to North Korea.

That might be smart, because the way things have turned out the South China Sea has not played to the United States’ advantage. Mattis would be foolish to repeat his predecessor’s mistakes and promise tougher pushback against China than Washington is willing or able to deliver.

But tacitly accepting Beijing’s fait accompli in the South China Sea would leave a big question mark over Washington’s longer-term objectives and strategies in Asia. US allies would have to ask how seriously committed the Trump administration is to preserving the US regional strategic primacy on which their security depends.

This question is no doubt weighing on the mind of Australia’s Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull as he prepares to deliver the keynote opening speech at Shangri-La this year. Turnbull has pondered deeply the significance of China’s rise for Asia’s future and the United States’ role in it. But since becoming prime minister 18 months ago, he has not made any major speeches on the issue.

The Shangri-La speech thus offers an important opportunity for Turnbull, and a daunting challenge. He can establish himself as a real regional thought leader by setting out his carefully considered views on the radical transformation of Asia’s strategic order being driven by the rise of China.

Or he can stick to platitudes, and pretend that nothing has changed. That is what his predecessors in Australia have done, and it is mostly what other regional leaders in Asia have done too. They have been understandably nervous that to speak out more frankly would anger the United States, unsettle their own citizens, and encourage China.

But by failing to engage in a serious and honest debate about the region’s tectonic strategic shifts, Asian leaders have prevented any proactive response. The reality is that Trump really is all about ‘America First’. So Turnbull should speak his mind in Singapore next week. That would not mean repudiating a continuing strong US role in Asia, or Canberra’s close bilateral alliance with Washington. But it would mean saying out loud and quite plainly what everyone already knows.

First, China’s rise is a massive and permanent shift in the distribution of wealth and power in Asia, and none of China’s political or economic challenges, serious though they are, will change that.

Second, this shift in power must change the way Asia works strategically. The old order based on uncontested US primacy has already gone. A new order is emerging in which China does and will play a bigger leadership role. So will other Asian countries as their power grows.

Third, the challenge for Asia is not to try to prevent or roll back strategic change, but to manage it. We need to manage the transition to a new order peacefully, and ensure that as it emerges, the new order effectively protects the key interests of all of us.

Asia benefits if the United States can play a major role in the new order, but that role will be different from the one it has played hitherto. Asia needs to help the US reimagine a new role for itself which serves the wider regional interest, and which it is able and willing to sustain. Otherwise we may find that the US simply withdraws.

If Turnbull could bring himself to say something like that, this year’s Shangri-La really would be historic.

Hugh White is Professor of Strategic Studies at the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, The Australian National University.

An earlier version version of this article was first published
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in The Straits Times.
 

sanblvd

Junior Member
Registered Member
What a huge change of tone from just 1 year ago, US is now all but unofficially in a status of civil war. US would have eventually weaken its hold on Asia overtime, but now Trump has accelerated this timetable by at least 10 years. Lets hope China can take this opportunity.
 

Janiz

Senior Member
I'm always shedding a tear before I'm going to sleep for those who sacrifice their talents on sinodefenceforum like you that let us know how things will look by the year 2030/40/50 (as far I can see on this board US won't be there) first instead of making billions out of that...

Thank you for your dedication.

Bet your money on that! Or another beer...
 

broadsword

Brigadier
I'm always shedding a tear before I'm going to sleep for those who sacrifice their talents on sinodefenceforum like you that let us know how things will look by the year 2030/40/50 (as far I can see on this board US won't be there) first instead of making billions out of that...

Thank you for your dedication.

Bet your money on that! Or another beer...

Me too, when haters resort to reaching to try to win an argument. And the reason they argue is that they are too jealous of China's scientific achievements. Sigh...
 

Yvrch

Junior Member
Registered Member
I'm always shedding a tear before I'm going to sleep for those who sacrifice their talents on sinodefenceforum like you that let us know how things will look by the year 2030/40/50 (as far I can see on this board US won't be there) first instead of making billions out of that...

Thank you for your dedication.

Bet your money on that! Or another beer...

Don't cry, sweetie pie.
It will make your hot fleshes worse, LoL.
 
I've heard, posted in South China Sea Strategies for other nations (Not China) Yesterday at 8:25 AM
according to Military.com Pentagon Chief Turns Up Heat on North Korea and China
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now China Pushes Back Against SECDEF Mattis ‘Irresponsible Remarks’ on the South China Sea
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Beijing has issued a rebuke to U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis and his Japanese counterpart over comments on the South China Sea that Chinese leadership has deemed, “irresponsible.”

On Saturday, Mattis and Japanese defense minister Tomomi Inada speaking during the Shangri-La Dialogue forum in Singapore presented arguably what was the toughest line either country has taken with China’s expansion in the South China Sea.

“We oppose countries militarizing artificial islands and enforcing excessive maritime claims unsupported by international law,” Mattis said.
“We can not and will not accept unilateral coercive changes to the status quo. We will continue to fly sail and operate wherever international law allows and demonstrate resolve through operational presence in the South China Sea and beyond.”

Inada also singled out China in her remarks at Shangri-La.

“In the East and South China Seas, we continue to witness unprovoked, unilateral attempts to alter the status quo based on assertions incompatible with existing international norms,” Inada said.

In response, a Chinese ministry of foreign affairs spokesperson released an extended and wide-ranging statement condemning the positions of both Mattis and Inada.

“Certain countries outside the region, driven by ulterior motives, insist on making erroneous remarks and calling white black,” ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying said in the Monday statement.
“The Chinese side is firmly opposed to that and urges relevant parties to stop their irresponsible remarks, fully respect regional countries’ efforts to maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea and play a constructive role to that end.”

Hua went on to reassert Chinese claims to its artificial island holdings in the Spratly islands and repeated its line that the island building campaign was to benefit the all who transited the South China Sea.

“China builds relevant facilities on islands and reefs of the Nansha Islands for the purpose of improving the working and living conditions for people stationed there, better defending its sovereignty and performing China’s international obligations and responsibilities,” Hua said.
“It is totally within China’s sovereignty to deploy necessary defense facilities on its own territory. It is exercising the self-preservation and self-defense rights that a sovereign state is entitled to, and has nothing to do with ‘militarization’.”

The latest rhetorical rift between the U.S., its allies and China comes a little more than a week after the guided missile destroyer USS Dewey (DDG-105) conducted a freedom of navigation operation off of the Chinese artificial island Mischief Reef.

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of Chinese claims since the U.S. Pacific Command restarted challenges of Chinese artificial islands in the South China Sea in 2015.

One maritime law expert told USNI News on Monday that much of Beijing’s disagreement with Tokyo and Washington comes from differing reads on international standards on behavior – the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention.

“One disconnect here is that China does not include military activities within its understanding of freedom of navigation, applying it solely to commercial vessels. But freedom of navigation was always considered a military and civilian right,” James Kraska, a professor of international law, oceans law and policy at the U.S. Naval War College’s Stockton Center for the Study of International Law.
“Indeed, during the negotiations for UNCLOS, all major powers, including the USSR, insisted on this point.”

Kraska went on to say, “China chides Japan and the United States as countries ‘outside the region’ who have no business operating there. But the South China Sea is a major international waterway 1.4 times larger than the Mediterranean Sea, and all states have an interest in rules that apply there.”

In addition to the condemnation of the South China Sea comments from Mattis and Inada, Hua also repeated Beijing’s opposition to the U.S. installation of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) ballistic missile defense system in South Korea, China’s position the ongoing territorial dispute with Japan of the Senkaku Islands and a demand the U.S. stop selling arms to Taiwan.

The following is the June 4, 2017 Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hua Chunying’s Remarks on US and Japanese Defense Ministers’ Comments at Shangri-La Dialogue.

Q: On June 3, US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis and Japanese Defense Minister Tomomi Inada made comments on issues regarding the South China Sea and Taiwan at the Shangri-La Dialogue. What is your comment on that?

A: The Chinese side has noted their irresponsible remarks and hereby expresses strong dissatisfaction and firm opposition. I want to highlight a few points.

First, China has indisputable sovereignty over the Nansha Islands and their adjacent waters. While safeguarding its territorial sovereignty and maritime interests in the South China Sea, China stays committed to peacefully resolving disputes with countries directly concerned through negotiation and consultation, and upholding peace and stability of the South China Sea with ASEAN countries.

China respects and safeguards all countries’ freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea under international law, but definitely opposes certain country’s show of force in the South China Sea under the pretext of navigation and overflight freedom, challenging and threatening China’s sovereignty and security.

China builds relevant facilities on islands and reefs of the Nansha Islands for the purpose of improving the working and living conditions for people stationed there, better defending its sovereignty and performing China’s international obligations and responsibilities. It is totally within China’s sovereignty to deploy necessary defense facilities on its own territory. It is exercising the self-preservation and self-defense rights that a sovereign state is entitled to, and has nothing to do with “militarization”.

Thanks to the efforts of countries in the region, the situation in the South China Sea has calmed down and turned positive. China and the Philippines have reached consensus on properly managing the South China Sea issue including the arbitration case, and held successfully the first meeting of the bilateral consultation on the South China Sea issue. China and ASEAN countries have worked out the framework of the code of conduct in the South China Sea, as part of the efforts to make effective regional rules following the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.

However, in disregard of all these facts, certain countries outside the region, driven by ulterior motives, insist on making erroneous remarks and calling white black. The Chinese side is firmly opposed to that and urges relevant parties to stop their irresponsible remarks, fully respect regional countries’ efforts to maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea and play a constructive role to that end.

Second, China and Japan have territorial dispute over Diaoyu Dao and problem with maritime delimitation in the East China Sea. Diaoyu Dao and its affiliated islands have been part of China’s territory since ancient times. Patrol and law enforcement activities by Chinese government vessels in the relevant waters are justified and legitimate. China is resolute in safeguarding its territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests, and will continue with its patrol and law enforcement activities in the future. Remarks made by the Japanese side, which confuse right and wrong, are not worth refuting. The Chinese side urges the Japanese side to work more constructively for the improvement of the bilateral relations and regional peace and stability.

Third, China’s position on the Taiwan question is clear-cut and consistent. The Chinese side stands firmly against the so-called “Taiwan Relations Act” unilaterally made by the US and requires the US to honor the one-China policy and the three China-US joint communiqués, stop selling arms to Taiwan, stop all forms of official interaction with Taiwan and any attempt to elevate its relations with Taiwan, and take solid steps to maintain the overall China-US relations and peace and stability across the Taiwan Straits.

Fourth, China is clear and consistent about opposing relevant countries’ deployment of the THAAD system. We urge them to immediately stop the deployment.
 

delft

Brigadier
As the local super power its is primarily China's duty to defend the freedom of navigation in the area and China now has air fields in the area to make this task lighter. :D
 
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